tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-225843792024-03-07T02:04:31.149-08:00Ethiounited<strong>"And many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame [and] everlasting contempt. And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars for ever and ever." ---Daniel 12:2-3 ........"For bodily exercise profiteth little: but godliness is profitable unto all things, having promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come." --- 1 Timothy 4:8</strong>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger672125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-45027831846866671472012-11-02T17:51:00.001-07:002012-11-02T17:51:25.116-07:00Prisoned in Ethiopia<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiSl-SYQD5r9tMxp_AlgKc7XTVvboSp67oxjTx8P3IqM4qhNt0A2Ga1pvp-qgEdgonLbATmUBvOEM45LOTIEESGfqQ0zsNtAUmdXmRGbij-BS5hyphenhyphenSVztQCJVC-6Vlo37gHG9UuCtQ/s1600/Taye+Danda'a.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="209" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiSl-SYQD5r9tMxp_AlgKc7XTVvboSp67oxjTx8P3IqM4qhNt0A2Ga1pvp-qgEdgonLbATmUBvOEM45LOTIEESGfqQ0zsNtAUmdXmRGbij-BS5hyphenhyphenSVztQCJVC-6Vlo37gHG9UuCtQ/s320/Taye+Danda'a.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
Taye Danda'a: Taye Danda’a (picture – in front of the Addis Ababa University – AAU) was an outstanding student of Law at AAU and a role model for many students. He had received countless awards from the district-level to Cafee Oromiya for his academic successes. He had been in jail from 2003-2006 due to his political views. Without giving up, after his release, he went back to school and continued his education till his arrest three days before his graduation in 2009. He has been a star student, and he had been hired by AAU as a professor before his latest arrest by Ethiopian government authorities. Taye is in prison since 2009.<span class="fbPhotoTagList" id="fbPhotoSnowliftTagList"><span class="fcg"></span></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-17571734840319016132012-11-01T23:14:00.003-07:002012-11-01T23:20:03.647-07:00Interview with Sebhat Nega on the 16th anniversary of TPLF on May 28, 2007<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-weight: bold;">Woyane Radio</span> Our questions would revolve around Eritrea, and the solidarity of the struggle of the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea. So my first question is how do you explain TPLF's stand on the question of Eritrea from the beginning to the present time?<br />
<span style="font-weight: bold;">Sebhat Nega: </span>That the question of Eritrea has been a democratic and just one was a hot topic and a subject of intense discussion among university students [in pre-1974 Ethiopia]. The issue of 'nations and nationalities' was also one of the many political questions being discussed at length.<br />
Some of them used to say the Question of Eritrea should be seen in the light of the question of other nations and nationalities in Ethiopia.<br />
Eritrean students at [Haile-Selassie I University] were split in two: one group supporting that Eritrea's question is no different from any other “nation and nationalities” in the country. On the part of Tigrian students, there were different groups under various names. The larger group of all these was the "Association of Progressive Tigrians" (Mahber Ghesghestee Tegaru). This group had a wider and deeper appreciation of the challenges in the country. Members used to discuss time and again, asking themselves: "Which one is a more pressing problem: resolving the problem of nations and nationalities or the class struggle issue?"<br />
The group had a mature understanding that the issue of class struggle could be solved if the issue of the right of nations and nationalities is resolved first. This group [which includes Sebhat] considered that the “Eritrean question” was no ordinary question, and shouldn't be seen in light of the question of nations and nationalities of Ethiopia. The Eritrea question was born out of colonialism. The interest of the Eritrean people has also been an interest for independence. Since the Eritrean question reflects the interest of the Eritrean people, it was a just and democratic one.<br />
This was the stand we took after conducting scientific explanations. Given the serious political situation in the country, to take such a stand on Eritrea was indeed very tough. It would bring ostracization by the rest. But we didn't want to gamble on the truth that the Eritrean question was a colonial question, a just demand of the Eritrean people for independence.<br />
Therefore, we took the right stand on Eritrea. Not only that. An arduous struggle was conducted to establish as fact that the question of Eritrea was a democratic one. There was a strong opposition to this approach. There was an opposition even among Eritreans; there were Eritreans who did not accept the 'independence' issue of Eritrea. We campaigned heavily so as to persuade the doubting Eritreans. We wrote extensively about Eritrea, and its legitimate demand for independence. Since the issue was very difficult, we exerted tremendous efforts within and outside of the country and more than any other Eritrean political organization that Eritrea must break away from Ethiopia - and achieve independence.<br />
Therefore, the Eritrean issue is what we have paid for dearly, what we have campaigned for vigorously, what we have exerted tremendous efforts for, that made it our solid policy. We've written extensively. We've lectured extensively. We have left no stone unturned to isolate the question of Eritrea from any Ethiopian problems. The question of Ethiopia's nations and nationalities was easy, simple to understand because most were affected by it. The question of Eritrea was different. It was different to understand it; it was difficult to make others understand it. For TPLF, which was struggling to stand on its feet on an Ethiopian soil, to promote such decisive policy on Eritrea was very difficult. In doing so, we convinced the Ethiopian people. Wherever we moved (as TPLF rebels), to persuade the society to accept Eritrea as a colonial question, was the most challenging of all political problems that TPLF set out to accomplish. Nothing comes closer to the price we paid to promote the Eritrean question as a just demand for independence.<br />
<span style="font-weight: bold;">WOYANE RADIO</span> - There is a widespread resentment in the society that TPLF wrote, campaigned, took a firm stand, in short, TPLF fought for Eritrean independence more than any other Eritrean group to the extent that TPLF looked like an Eritrean organization. What was the motive, the cause, and eventual goal of taking such a huge risk? Second, at a time when TPLF was fighting for the independence of Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki's EPLF was swaying to work with the Derg government. EPLF had mediation talks with the Derg. How do you see that?<br />
<span style="font-weight: bold;">Sebhat Nega</span>- We achieved political maturity long before the start of the armed struggle. If you ask who created TPLF it is the political conditions in Tigray that created it. It was a response, a reaction to the conditions in Tigray. We internalized the demand of the people for democratic governance long before the start of the armed struggle. Therefore, the democratic behavior, the democratic culture was already created when TPLF was launched. And democracy has no borders. If you have a democratic platform for your people, you don't deny democracy to other people. Therefore, the overriding need for the reign of democratic governance was one of the reasons that paved the way for the struggle waged to resolve the Eritrean question in a just and democratic manner.<br />
Therefore, TPLF was an organization that had an excellent understanding of the Eritrean question, the conditions of the Eritrean people. TPLF didn't take the Eritrean demand as an ordinary question of independence alone. Eritrean groups, on the other hand, took the Eritrean question as the question of independence alone. They focused only on how to achieve independence. They never thought about post-independence Eritrea. Therefore, their program was only of 'independence.' On the other hand, TPLF was worrying about whether the Eritrean rebel groups - ELF (Jebha) and EPLF (Shaebia) - had any thoughts about post- independence Eritrean conditions. They had nothing. For this reason, TPLF was reminding them of the challenges awaiting them after they break-away. To persuade such a group with a fragmented view of independence was difficult. In fact, we never believed that the Eritrean group would - beyond its mercenary program - go and fight for independence to the end. And apparently, ELF gave in; knelt down. Close to the final hours, they had started talking to the Derg, before it abandoned the struggle wholly.<br />
Shaebia (EPLF) was also showing signs of compromising on the independence of the Eritrean people. The power-sharing deal EPLF held with the Derg in an East German city and under the mediation of the East German government was evidence of Shaebia kneeling down to Derg. There were also other EPLF-Derg talks after the defection of Dawit Wolde-Giorgis.* Shaebia was also trying to give in to Derg during the foiled 1989 army generals coup led by General Bulti in Asmara and Generals Fanta [Belai] and Merid Negussie in Addis Ababa. The plan was to replace Mengistu with somebody else, and Shaebia would get its share. After the coup, Shaebia sent a message to us [TPLF]. Shaebia told us to make a swift decision and welcome a delegate of the coup leaders that was coming to meet with us via Adi Quala, Eritrea.<br />
Our response was clear: TPLF knows no compromise with the Derg. The goal of our struggle is to bring about a total change of the system. TPLF might have considered negotiation had the coup been led by soldiers other than high-ranking army officers. Even at that level, we never believed a coup would change the system. Therefore, we turned down Shaebia's request to accept the plea of the coup. Our decision was - much to the dismay of Shaebia - announced on our Radio. Therefore, that was another occasion Shaebia had also considered a power-sharing arrangement with the Derg. The danger of this deal was not only aimed at sabotaging the interest of the Eritrean people for independence. It was also a move aimed at destroying the aspirations of the Ethiopian people for a democratic governance.<br />
Based on these facts, we had written that Shaebia is a treasonous group and can betray the struggle of the Eritrean people any time. In principle, we recognized Shaebia was a strong national force, but its treacherous behavior deprives it the credibility of being reliable and trustworthy. It was not. The coup had also a huge political danger for Ethiopia. The Ethiopian people were never fond of General X or General Y. Our struggle was to create the equality based on unity of the people. On the Eritrean side, meanwhile, there was a book written by Eritreans which said the struggle of the Eritrean people for independence would never be successful because the struggle for independence is not a just demand. The cover of the book depicts an AK-47 rifle placed up side down. However, we (TPLF) published about 200 or 300 books and reversed the position of the AK-47 rifle from the bottom up. The book was titled: "The struggle of the Eritrean people would never be placed up side down."<br />
<span style="color: red;">Therefore, in all fairness, all Eritrean groups wouldn't add up to the efficiency, clear policy stands and the huge sacrifice paid by TPLF to anchor the independence of Eritrea.<br />We were suspicious that EPLF would betray the Eritrean struggle for independence. Meles said - given the wavering stand of EPLF - that we may face the danger of betrayal on the part of EPLF. It is at that time that Meles wrote the book: "The Eritrean struggle: From where to where?"The book became a thorn in the flesh of Shaebia but a source of courage for the Eritrean people. Everybody knows this. Shaebia members know it. The enemy knows it.</span><br />
This doesn't mean Shaebia didn't fight for Eritrean independence. Afterall, Shaebia was a strong national force, i.e. militarily. It was a well-organized group with a strong army. Politically speaking, however, we never ruled out that Shaebia was a weak, submissive force that could one day give in to the enemy. We've stated this time and again. We were fearful that Shaebia would surrender but that fear was dispelled because we took measures that would block Shaebia from surrendering to the enemy. Despite showing signs of surrender, however, Shaebia managed to finish the journey to independence. <span style="color: red;">All said, even at the present time, there is no force on Earth that would fight for the independence of Eritrea more than the EPRDF-led government of Ethiopia. Our firm principle on the independence of Eritrea is not what we withdraw when we feel angry, and endorse when we feel good about Eritrea. On our part, we believe the people of Eritrea know very well - except a few members of the Shaebia leadership - that the EPRDF-led government of Ethiopia is the one and only force that would defend the independence of Eritrea. In short, the Eritrean people are very well aware of the fact that no force matches the power of the EPRDF-led government to defend and support the independence of Eritrea.<br />"Suppose let's say Eritrea comes under invasion by an outside force. I've no doubt the EPRDF government would, along with the Eritrean people, fight against the enemy of Eritrea," Sebhat concluded. </span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-43002927055355617892012-10-31T01:47:00.000-07:002012-11-01T20:02:39.564-07:00Feel me, Amb. David H. Shinn!<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<em>"Meles was disarmingly regular, unpretentious, and direct. He was selfless, tireless and totally dedicated to his work and family. In the toughest of times, he retained that twinkle in his eye, his ready smile, his roiling laugh and his wicked sense of humor. True, he never belied any lack of confidence in his judgments. He was tough, unsentimental and sometimes unyielding. And, of course, he had little patience for fools, or “idiots,” as he liked to call them." Remarks by Ambassador Susan E. Rice.</em><br />
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The US Foreign Policy-Maker, Amb. David Shinn got shocked when he only saw quite very few people showed up to protest the memorial service for Meles Zenawi on October 27, 2012 at the Abyssinian Baptist
Church in New York. Many Protesters didn't show up at the church due to the fact that the US have deafened its ears to all the complaints of the Ethiopian anti-Meles Immigrants who are opposing the Meles Regime. In Fact, it is clear to the Oppositions that the American Policy Makers have no interest allowing the participation of the voices of hard-core Oppositions of the TPLF. Mostly, US and other Western countries have no intention of taking any definite questions and giving valid answers without going through the language of Diplomacy. Many of the oppositions have no options while the US Diplomats are degrading their own values on Human Rights, Justice, and Democracy.<br />
Being Ethiopian and American is quite different. Although Amb. Shinn has a shoulder to lean on, i.e. the USA, the oppositions of the TPLF regime have no one to give them a hand in the struggle to build a country that will protect Human rights, Justice, and freedom of speeches. Agreeing and disagreeing with Meles are part of the tools Diplomats utilize in Ethiopia as soon as they set their foot on Addis soil. That is their job. Doing a Job and fighting for freedom are two different things that can not be co-related in any shape of form. At the end of the tunnel, Freedom Fighters seek freedom to shine over the horizon but a Diplomat gets his/her paycheck for the job he/she performs for his/her country.<br />
The Quote at the beginning of this article should be read very carefully to what extent Amb. Susan Rice would come out and defend the dictator Meles Zenawi using a word like "fools" or echoing Meles's own word "'idiots'" to those who are against him or his regime. It is saddening to hear her vulgar and disrespectful words infront of the respectful, Ethiopian people and on the TV screens through out the world. Amb. Rice triggered the foul language, representing the United States of America as a Diplomat, playing the game of words as an admirer of the deceased person who had killed many innocent Ethiopians. Meles chased his opponents away from Ethiopia, put many in jail for disagreeing with him and many Ethiopians have lost their children, properties, jobs, and their life-savings. Amb. Susan Rice admires Meles only through her "interested/ing " eyeglasses that put her in The United Nations main office in New york.<br />
"<em>The memorials to Meles are over. New Ethiopian leaders are in place. I deeply
hope the new team will open the political process in Ethiopia. At a minimum, it
deserves in my humble opinion as an outside observer a chance to demonstrate how
it can serve the people of Ethiopia." Ambassador David Shinn</em><br />
Those who miss Meles can have memorials to Meles again and over again if they do not think that they are not wasting their time and resources but as far as many Ethiopians are concerned, nothing will ever be forgotten and it is a lesson to all Ethiopians to remember to the rest of their lives about the damages that is done on Ethiopia. There is no new Ethiopian leaders in place, it is all the same. The change needed in Ethiopia, from Old to New, is not about having Meles "dead" but it is about having a democratic country that respects the voices of the people by "removing ethno-fascist TPLF regime". Let the ballot box play the role of elections to whomever people choose to lead the country. This is simple. At this moment, There are no New teams but the old guards of Meles Zenawi who do control the apparatus all the way from the Army to the Media. They are Old, Old, and Old again.<br />
<em>"I hope some of the harshest critics can find their way to support organizations
like the Ethiopian-North American Health Professionals Association and People to
People and less time fulminating.</em> " <em>Ambassador David Shinn</em><br />
The Ignite is Amb. Susan Rice fulminating all these mess that disappointed Ambassador David Shinn. Then by helping those organizations, Should Ethiopians who oppose the Meles Regime leave to people like Amb. Susan Rice for the deteriorating situation in Ethiopia? Let's not Forget The Genocide in Rwanda, That is her CV.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-50317361303348979202012-09-21T15:49:00.001-07:002012-09-23T16:04:38.621-07:00ግምገማ<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
ሰውዬው ስልጣኑን በመጠቀም በድርጅቱ ውስጥ የሰራውን ሃጢአት እየተናገረ<br />
ሂስ እያወረደ ነው አሉ በፓርቲው አባላት።<br />
"አራት የመንግስት መኪናዎችን በአራቱ ልጆቼ ስም አዘዋውርያለው።"<br />
"እሺ ቀጥል!" ቃለ ጉባዔ እየተያዘ ነው።<br />
"በስሜ ሰባት መቶ ሄክታር መሬት ወጣ ብላ ከምትገኘው የገጠር ከተማ<br />
ወስጃለው።"<br />
"ቀጥል!"<br />
"በሚስቴም ያን ያህል ነው ባይባልም ሁለት መቶ ሃምሳ ሄክታር መሬት ወስጃለው።"<br />
"ሌሎች ተረኞች ስላሉ ፈጠን ፈጠን እያደረክ ቀጥል።"<br />
"በእንጀራ ልጄም ስም እዚሁ ከተማ አንዲት አነስተኛ ባለ ሶስት የቀበሌ ቤት<br />
ወስጃለው።"<br />
"ቀጥል!"<br />
"በሚስቴ ወንድም ስምም እንዲሁ ከመንገድ ዳር ስምንት መቶ ሃምሳ ካሬ ሜትር መሬት ወስጃለው"<br />
"ሌላስ ቀጥል!"<br />
"በሚስቴ እህት ስም ሁልት ተሳቢ መኪና ከ አንድ የአጎቴ መስሪያቤት በጨረታ<br />
ገዝቻለው"<br />
"ቀጥል!"<br />
ቃለ ጉባዔ የሚይዘው ፀሃፊ አንገቱን ወደ ባሕረ መዝገቡ ደፍቶ እጁን እስኪደክመው እየፃፈ ነው።<br />
ከዘንድሮው የኑሮ ውድነትና ከድህነቱም በላይ ለታላቅ ጉስቁልና የዳረገው በእንዲህ ዓይነቱ ጉባዔ ላይ<br />
የሚፅፋቸው ኑዛዜዎች ናቸው።<br />
"ከተማው ውስጥም ለጤና ጣቢያ መስሪያ የተያዘ በቅርቡ የመሰረት ድንጋይ<br />
የተቀመጠበት መሬት በራሴ ወንድም ስም ወስጄ ፑል ቤቶችን ከፍቻለሁ"<br />
"እሺ ቀጥል!"<br />
"በቃ ከዚህ በላይ ምንም አልወሰድኩም"<br />
"እንደው ምንም!?"<br />
"ምን ማለታችሁ ነው? ትንሽ አስቡልኝ እንጂ!ከዚህ በላይ ዘመድ ከየት አመጣለሁ!?"<br />
*ኑሮ እና ፖለቲካ በኃይሉ ገ/እግዚአብሔር ገፅ-54-55<span class="userContentSecondary"><span class="fcg"> </span></span></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-8631210742712881482012-09-20T10:02:00.002-07:002012-09-20T10:03:36.934-07:00“መለስ ስለሞቱ የስዬ ጎራዴ ወደ አፎቱ ”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<em>አዜብ ጌታቸው</em><br />
አቶ ስዬ አብርሃ በአቶ መለስ የቦናፓርቲዝም ስሌትና ማጣፋት ህይወታቸውን ለመስጠት ከቆሙለት ድርጅት መባረራቸው ሳይበቃ 6 ዓመታትን በዘብጥያ አሳልፈዋል፡፡ በኔ እምነት የአቶ መለስ አይራሬነትና ጭካኔ ከተገለጠባቸው በርካታ ውሳኔና እርምጃዎቻቸው አንዱና ዋንኛው ይህ በአብሮ አደግ ጓደኞቻቸው ላይ የወሰዱት ምህረት የለሽ እርምጃ ነው።<br />
በወቅቱ በአቶ ስዬና ጓደኞቻቸው ላይ በደረሰው ነገር አብዛኛው ኢትዮጵያዊ ማዘኑን አስታውሳለሁ። በተለይ እነ አቶ ስዬን ለዚህ ያበቃቸው በኤርትራ ላይ ከአቶ መለስ ጋር የነበራቸው ልዩነት እንደሆነ ከታወቀ በኋላ የአቶ ስዬ ቡድን ተሸናፊ መሆኑ ኢትዮጵያዊውን ሁሉ አስቆጭቶ ነበር። ይህ ሁሉ አልፎ አቶ ስዬ 6 ዓመታትን በእስር ማቀው በመጨረሻም ነጻ ወጡ ተብሎ ሲለቀቁም ተደስተናል። የታሰሩት ትዕቢተኛው ስዬ እንደነበሩና የተፈቱት ግን የሰከነው ስዬ እንደነበሩም ትዝ ይለኛል። አቶ ስዬ ከእስር ከወጡ በኋላ እንደ ሌሎቹ ጓደኞቻቸው ጎመን በጤና ብለው መቀመጥን ሳይመርጡ ወደ ትግሉ ጎራ መቀላቀላቸውም በመታሰራቸው ያዘነውን ኢትዮጵያዊ አስደስቷል። የበለጠ ያስደሰተው ደግሞ ከአረና ትግራይ ይልቅ አንድነትን መቀላቀላቸው ነበር።በግዜው እኔም ይህንኑ ውሳኔያቸውን አወድሼ መጻፌን አስታውሳለሁ።<br />
ይሁን እንጂ አቶ ስዬ አንድነትን ከተቀላቀሉ ብዙም ሳይቆዩ ነበር አካላቸው እንጂ አንድነትን የተቀላቀለው ልባቸው እዛው ህውሃት ውስጥ እንደነበር ያመላከተ አቋማቸውን የገለጹት። ቢቢሲ የዘገበውን ዶ/ር አረጋዊና አቶ ገብረመድህን አርአያ ሙሉ ለሙሉ ያረጋገጡትን ወ/ሮ አረጋሽ በከፊል ያመኑትን ለረሃብተኛ የመጣ እህል ዘረፋ አቶ ስዬ ሽምጥጥ አድርገው መካዳቸውን ያስታዉሷል።<br />
•የአቶ ስዬ የተልፈሰፈሰ የሰላማዊ ትግል ፍልስፍናም ቀልባቸው ከአንድነቱ ጎራ አለመሆኑን ያሳየ ሌላው ምዕራፍ ነበር፡፡<br />
•አቶ ስዬ ህዝባዊ አመጽ የሚለውን የሰላማዊ ትግል ዋናና ውጤታማ ስልት አጥብቀው ይቃወማሉ፡፡<br />
•አቶ ስዬ መከላከያ ሰራዊቱን በመንግስት ላይ እንዲነሳ መቀስቀስ ህገ መንግስቱን መጣስ ነው ብለው ይሞግታሉ፡፡<br />
•አቶ ስዬ የወያኔ ጀነራሎችንም ልናቅፋቸው ይገባል ሲሉ ይሰብካሉ።<br />
ልብ በሉ አቶ ስዬ ለእርዳታ የመጣ እህል አልሸጥንም ብለው በመመስከር ህውሃት እንዲነካባቸው አለመፈለጋቸውን አረጋግጠውልናል። መከላከያ ሰራዊቱ በመንግስት ላይ እንዲነሳ መቀስቀስ ህገ መንግስት መጣስ ነው ብለው በትግራይ የበላይነት የሚመራውን መንግስት ውድቀት እንደማይሹ ገልጸውልናል። ጀነራሎቹን ልናቅፋቸው ይገባል ብለው ጓደኞቻቸው እንዳይነኩ ሰብከውናል።<br />
እንግዲህ አቶ ስዬና መሰረታዊ ለውጥ ፈላጊው ወገን የጋራ ጠላት ሊሆን የሚችል ማን ቀረ ? ብለን ጥቂት ጣራ ጣራ እያየን ብንቆይ …መለስ ዜናዊ የሚለው ስም ግልጽ ብሎ ሊታየን ግድ ነው። ምክንያቱም መከላከያ ሰራዊቱን ከነጀነራሎቹ እንዲነካ ካልፈለጉ፤ ህገ መንግስቱ እንዲከበር ከፈልጉ፤ የድሮ ድርጅታቸው ስም እንዳይጠፋ ከፈለጉ፤ አቶ ስዬ የማይፈልጉት አቶ መለስን ብቻ ነው ማለት ነው።<br />
ይህ በእንዲህ ቀጥሎ ቆይቶ፣ ሰው ያስባል ጌታ ይፈጽማል ሆነና በቅርቡ የአቶ ስዬና የሌላው ተቃዋሚ ወገን የጋራ ባላጋራ የነበሩት መለስ ዜናዊ ባልተጠበቀ ሁኔታ ተመልሰው ወደ ማይመጡበት አለም መሄዳቸው እውነት ሆነ። ይህ ማለት ደግሞ የአቶ ስዬ የትግል ጉዞ ተቋጨ ማለት ነው። በሌላ አገላለጽ ” መለስ ስለሞቱ የስዬ ጎራዴ ወደ አፎቱ”መሆኑ ነው።<br />
ሰሞኑን ያረጋገጡልንም ይህንኑ ነው። አቶ ስዬ ጭራሽ በአቶ መለስ ሞት ተደስተናል ያሉ ወገኖችን ኢትዮጵያዊ ጨዋነታችንን ያልተከተለ አስነዋሪ ተግባር ፈጽመዋል ሲሉ ወቅሰዋል። አቶ ስዬ እነኚህ ወገኖች ምንም እንኳ ጥቂት ቢሆኑም ጥላቻን በማዛመት ከፍተኛ ጥፋት ሊያደርሱ ይችላሉ በማለት ወቀሳና ስጋት የቀላቀለ አስተያየት ሰጥተዋል።<br />
እንዲያው አቶ ስዬን ልጠይቅ የምሻው ለመሆኑ ኢትዮጵያዊ ጨዋነትን ፤ ባፍጢሙ የደፋው ማነውና ነው ዛሬ ያገርዎ ልጅ ለዛውም በጠላትነት የፈረጁት ሰው ሲሞት ተደስተናል ያሉ ወገኖችን ወቃሽ የሆኑት?<br />
ለመሆኑ ፕሮፌሰር መስፍንን የሚያህል በሺህ የሚቆጠር ዜጋ ያነጹ ውድና የሃገር ቅርስ የሆኑ የ76 አመት አዛውንት በማንም ውርጋጥ በሰደፍ እየተመቱ ዘብጥያ የተጣሉት ኢትዮጵያዊ ጨዋነታችን ፈቅዶት ይሆን?<br />
ለመሆኑ በሞተው ወንድሙ ሬሳ ላይ ተንበርክኮ የሚያለቅስን ህጻን በጥይት በሳስቶ በሬሳ ላይ ሬሳ መደራረብ ኢትዮጵያዊ ባህል ነበርን?<br />
ለመሆኑ ወራዳ ! ጨምላቃ! የበሰበሰ! ….የሚሉት አስነዋሪ ቃሎች በማን ይዘወተሩ እንደ ነበር ኢትዮጵያዊ ጨዋነታችን ተናደ ብለው የተቆጩት አቶ ስዪ ያስታውሱ ይሆን? እረ ስንቱን ልጥቀስ….<br />
እናም አቶ ስዬ ሆይ! ከላይ የጠቃቀስኩዋቸው የባህል ጥሰቶች ብቻም ሳይሆኑ ግፎች ሲፈጸሙ የት ነበሩ? ያኔ ቃል ያልተነፈሱት ዛሬ በጭካኔ በትራቸው እርስዎንም ሳይቀር በዠለጡት መለስ ዜናዊ ሞት በተሳለቁ ሰዎች ማዘንዎ ከተለከፉበት የዘረኝነት በሽታ የመነጨ እንጂ ሌላ ምን ሊሆን ይችላል እንበል?<br />
አቶ ስዬ በቅርቡ በሲያትል ባደረጉት ንግግር ግልጽ ያደረጉት ዋናው ነገር ከእንግዲህ በሰላማዊም ይሁን በትጥቅ ትግል የህውሃትን መንግስት ከስሩ ነቅሎ ለመጣል ከሚታገለው ወገን ጋር ምንም የጋራ ነገር እንደሌላቸው ነው፡፡<br />
•አቶ ስዬ በንግግራቸው ለ21 ዓመት የነበረውን ሰላም እንዲቀጥል ሲሉ ተደምጠዋል። በአቶ ስዬ አባባል ጦርነት እስከሌለ ድረስ ሁሉ ነገር ሰላም ነው።<br />
•በአቶ ስዬ አባባል ጦርነት እስከሌለ ድረስ ዜጎች ያለጥፋታቸው ለዘመናት በእስር መማቀቃቸው ኢሃዴግ ታግሎ ያመጣው ሰላማዊ እስር በመሆኑ ወደፊትም መቀጠል አለበት።<br />
•አቶ ስዬ የሚሉን የባሩድ ጭስ ሰማዩን እስካልሸፈነ ድረስ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ የወጡ ዜጎችን መረሸን ከሰላም ጋር ምንም ግንኙነት የለውም። ገዳዮቹም ሰላማዊ ገዳዮች ሟቾቹም ሰላማዊ ሟቾች ናቸው።<br />
•አቶ ስዬ እንደሚያስረዱን ባዙቃ እስካልተንተከተከ ድረስ 80 ሚሊዮኑን ህዝብ ለድህነትና ለርሃብ አጋልጦ የአንድ ዘር ውላጅ የሆነው አናሳ ክፍል በዘረፋና በምዝበራ ሃብት መሰብሰቡ ሰላማዊ ምዝበራ ስለሆነ እንደነበር እንዲቀጥል መታገል አለብን።<br />
ቃል በቃል ባይሆንም አቶ ስዬ ህዝቡ ንብረቱን ማጣት ስለማይፈልግ መረጋጋትና ሰላም ይፈልጋል አይነት መልዕክት ያለው ነገር ተናግረዋል፡፡<br />
እንደኔ ግምት አቶ ስዬ ህዝቡ ሲሉ የትግራይን ሕዝብ ማለታቸው ነው፡፡ ምክንያቱም በመጀመሪያ ደረጃ ንብረቴን እንዳላጣ ብሎ ሊሰጋ የሚችለው ንብረት ያለው ህዝብ ነው። ስለዚህ ንብረቴን እንዳላጣ ብሎ የሚሰጋው፤ የሚልሰው የሚቀምሰው አጥቶ የሚሰቃየው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ ሳይሆን 21 ዓመት ዘርፎና መዝብሮ ንብረት ያከማቸ ህዝብ ነው።<br />
በሲያትሉ ንግግራቸው በከፊል የግብረገብ አስተማሪ በከፊል የባህል ተቆርቋሪ በጨረፍታ ደግሞ የትግል ስትራተጂ ነዳፊ የመሰሉት አቶ ስዬ፤ ሱዛን ራይስን ከመንቀፍ ይልቅ ብንደግፋት ይሻል ነበር በሚል አርቆ አሳቢ ያስመስለኛል ያሉትን ምክር ቢጤም ሰንዝረዋል። በርግጥም ሱዛን ራይስን በመስደብ ወይም በመቃወም የሚገኝ ጥቅም ላይኖር ይችላል፡፤ ይሁንና አቶ ስዬ የሰጡት ምክር የአሜሪካ ባለስልጣናትን ሞገስ ለማግኘት ፈልገው ካልሆነ በስተቀር ሱዛን ራይስን በማወደስም ቢሆን ምንም ጠብ የሚል ነገር እንደሌለ እሳቸውም ያውቁታል እኛም እናውቀዋለን።<br />
በደምላላው አቶ ስዬ ከመለስ በስተቀር ከቀሪው የወያኔ መንግስትና ባልስልጣናት ጋር ምንም አይነት ቅራኔ ስለሌላቸው በሲያትሉ ንግግራቸው ከዚህ በፊት በመጠኑም ቢሆን ያውግዙት የነበረውን የመንግስት ኢዲሞክራሲና ኢሰባዊ ተግባር ከማውገዝ ተቆጥበዋል። ይህ ደግሞ በራሱ የአቶ ስዬ ቀጣዩ እንቅስቃሴ ምንና ወዴት አቅጣጫ እንደሚሆን የሚጠቁም ይመስለኛል።<br />
ሌላው ከአቶ ስዬ የአነጋገር ዘይቤ የተገነዘብኩት እራሳቸውን” ከኛ በላይ ስለ ትግልና ፖለቲካ ላሳር… አይነት እራስን አግዝፎ የማየት ስሜትን ነው። አላወቅሽ ….አሉ!<br />
ባጠቃላይ ከላይ ለመግለጽ እንደሞከርኩት የአቶ ስዬ የተቃዋሚነት ጉዞ በአቶ መለስ ሞት ማግስት ተቋጭታል። አቶ ስዬ ትልቁ ጠላታቸው መለስ ነበሩ። ከእስር በኋላ ወደ ትግል የገቡበት አላማም በቀልን እንጂ የነጻነትና የዲሞክራሲን መከበር ያማከለ አልነበረም፡፤<br />
የአቶ ስዬ 2 ዋና ዋና አላማዎች፦<br />
1. ኛና ቀዳሚው አላማ መለስን ስልጣኑን አሳጥቶ መበቀል ከተቻለም ስልጣኑን መረከብ ነበር<br />
2. 2ኛው በአንድነት ፓርቲ ውስጥ ግዙፍ ስልጣን ይዞ የትግራይ ተወላጆች ለ21 አመት በዘረፉት ሃብት ያገኙትን የኢኮኖሚ የበላይነት ሳይለቁ እንዲቆዩ ማድረግ ነው።ይህም ደግሞ<br />
ህዝቡ ንብረቱን እንዳያጣ ስለሚሰጋ ሰላምና መረጋጋት ይፈልጋል ሲሉ አረጋግጠልናል።አቶ ስዬ አንድነት ፓርቲን የተቀላቀሉትም ለዋናው አላማቸው እንደ ስትራተጂ ለመጠቀም እንጂ አንድነትን አላማ አድርገው አለመሆኑን በንግግራቸው ቁልጭ አድርገው አሳይተውናል።<br />
እኛም አውቀናል የዲሞክራሲ ናፋቂው ወገን አላማና የአቶ ስዬ አብርሃ አላማ የመሳ ለመሳ ቅራኔ ያለው መሆኑን ተረድተናል። ዲሞክራሲ ናፋቂው ወገን አቶ መለስ ኖረው መንግስታቸው ቢሞት ይመርጣል።አቶ ስዬ ደግሞ የሚሹት ተቃራኒውን ነው።ስለዚህ ለግዜው አቶ ስዬ ፌርማታቸው ላይ ደርሰው ወርደዋል። ከአሁን በኋላ አቋራጭ መንገድ ፈልገው ወደ ትውልድ ሰፈራቸው መግባት ነው። እኛም እስከ …..እንጓዛለን እንደርሳለንም።<br />
<br />
ኢትዮጵያ ለዘላለም በክብር ትኑር<br />
አዜብ ጌታቸው<br />
azebgeta@gmail.com</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-76021137676463063532012-09-19T21:57:00.000-07:002012-09-19T21:57:04.281-07:00Inconsistent Foreign Policy Has Repercussions<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<img alt="Girma Fantaye" src="http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2012/09/18/opinion/girma_fantayeRFD/girma_fantayeRFD-thumbStandard.jpg" /> <a href="http://knight.stanford.edu/fellows/class-of-2012/girma-fantaye/"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Girma Fantaye</span></a><span style="font-size: x-small;"> is an Ethiopian journalist who was a Knight fellow at Stanford last year. He lives and works in Uganda.</span><br />
<br />
The role of Nafkot Eskinder is larger than life. Nafkot, the 7-year-old son of <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/03/world/africa/eskinder-nega-ethiopian-journalist-honored-by-pen.html">Ethiopian journalists</a> who have both spent time in jail for treason, could be the poster child for the effects of the repressive regime, which has been supported by the United States for 20 years. Born in prison, Nafkot regularly visits his father, who is again behind bars, this time accused of inciting terrorism.<br />
The Ethiopian government has closed all independent media outlets. It criminalizes dissent under the guise of law. It has a monopoly on disseminating facts and has exclusive control of political discourse. Ethiopia is morphing into one big prison, where the captives are expected to learn to love the captors.<br />
On Sept. 2, the American diplomat Susan Rice, in her <a href="http://usun.state.gov/briefing/statements/197275.htm">idolizing remarks</a> at the funeral of the former prime minister Meles Zenawi, disregarded Nafkot's parents and millions of other Ethiopians who crave a just and free society. Many Ethiopians thought she was referring to imprisoned journalists when she said in her speech that the prime minister had had “little patience for fools.”<br />
Ambassador Rice’s speech was a symbol of the practice of American foreign policy: profoundly contradictory and morally inconsistent. This inconsistency speaks volumes across Africa. During the cold war, the U.S. shamelessly justified its support for apartheid South Africa and enjoyed a friendship with Mobutu Sese Seko, the brutal dictator of Zaire (now Congo). <br />
I don’t want policy makers in Washington to come up with a panacea for developing African nations. I utterly reject neocolonial relationships. I do not want Americans to shoulder our responsibilities. But America’s inconsistent foreign policies have enabled powerful and seemingly invincible dictators who crave to engineer societies unilaterally. This is now Africa’s burden.<br />
In his <a href="http://www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-by-the-President-to-the-Ghanaian-Parliament/">2009 speech in Ghana</a>, President Obama promised to support “strong and sustainable democratic governments.” After that, I innocently anticipated that Obama would end his country’s explicitly contradictory practices in Africa. Continuing to support and legitimize African dictators will eventually sink the integrity of the U.S.<br />
But the burden of this insincerity haunts us all. <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/09/19/autocratic-leaders-who-improve-their-countries/inconsistent-foreign-policy-has-repercussions" target="_blank">http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/09/19/autocratic-leaders-who-improve-their-countries/inconsistent-foreign-policy-has-repercussions</a></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-83255678014875677572012-09-19T20:26:00.001-07:002012-09-19T20:40:09.725-07:00Human Rights Should Be a Priority<a href="http://www.blogger.com/" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"></a><img alt="Daniel Bekele" src="http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2012/09/19/opinion/daniele_bekeleRFD/daniele_bekeleRFD-thumbStandard.jpg" /><a href="http://www.hrw.org/bios/daniel-bekele"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Daniel Bekele </span></a><span style="font-size: x-small;"> is the executive director of the Africa division of </span><a href="http://www.hrw.org/"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Human Rights Watch</span></a><span style="font-size: x-small;">. He was jailed for two years in Ethiopia because of his activism during the 2005 parliamentary elections.</span><br />
I worked to promote human rights in my native Ethiopia. I learned early that raising economic indicators without respecting civil and political rights can be a smokescreen. And donors can do harm if their aid is used by the country’s rulers to consolidate political power rather than help the people who need it most.<br />
<div style="text-align: left;">
Under the late prime minister Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia made economic gains. But since 2005, its human rights record has severely deteriorated, while aid has increased. Peaceful protest has been shut down. Opposition leaders, activists and journalists have been jailed or forced to flee the country. Accusations of “terrorism” have been used to intimidate activists and silence criticism.<br />
In Rwanda the story is similar. Under President Paul Kagame, Rwanda has made economic progress, while independent newspapers have been suspended, journalists jailed, opposition parties prevented from functioning and their leaders put on trial. Accusations of “genocide ideology” and “divisionism” have been used to silence critics.<br />
There is a similar pattern elsewhere. Cambodia and Vietnam and some former Soviet Union countries have made economic progress while dissidents languish in prison. Instead of confronting these countries on their rights records, the United States and the European Union have often played down the gravity of the abuses in the name of development. Yet the ability to voice opinions, criticize harmful government practices and make individual choices based on full information is essential for development.<br/>
Even when living standards improve at the macro level, repressive policies frequently ignore or harm those without power: minorities, women, political opponents, the disabled and the poorest of the poor. A rights-based approach to development promotes access to information, opportunities for civil society participation, rule of law and accountability. It also addresses the reasons millions are sidelined and excluded.<br />
The U.S. and the E.U. often pay lip service to human rights but put security and economic considerations first in their foreign policies, at the expense of civil and political rights. This is short-sighted because political repression fuels conflict and instability. In countries like Rwanda and Ethiopia, international donors have the opportunity and the responsibility to press for progress on both human rights and economic development. Without both, the impact of any development assistance may be short-lived. <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/09/19/autocratic-leaders-who-improve-their-countries/human-rights-should-be-a-priority">http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/09/19/autocratic-leaders-who-improve-their-countries/human-rights-should-be-a-priority</a></div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-5019076055762095732012-09-17T14:51:00.004-07:002012-09-17T15:08:48.968-07:00Former U.S. Diplomat Lauds Selection of Ethiopia’s New Ruling Party LeaderAshenafi Abedje<br />Ethiopia’s ruling party has elected acting Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn as its new chairman. The vote by the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front puts Hailemariam in line to become the next Prime Minister. David Shinn, former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, said he is not surprised by Hailemariam’s elevation to the party’s top spot.“I think it was almost predictable in that Hailemariam was being groomed by Prime Minister Meles to succeed him. I think a lot of thought has gone into this selection,” he said.Shinn said all of the speculation, particularly in the Diaspora, that Meles will be followed by another Tigrayan, was “widely off the mark.”The former diplomat, who currently serves as Adjunct Professor of International Affairs at the George Washington University, explained what he sees as the importance of the EPRDF Council’s decision.“I think it’s trying to acknowledge that the EPRDF must broaden its base, reach out more widely to different ethnic groups, and that the Tigrayan leadership, which in the past has controlled so many of the key slots, has to share more power,” he said.“After all,” Shinn noted, “Tigrayans constitute only 6.1 percent of the population.The former diplomat said with the new hierarchy, there will likely be more consultation within the EPRDF, not necessarily the TPLF, the dominant party in the ruling coalition.“Someone who is as relatively new to the position as he (Hailemariam) is cannot be expected to have the kind of authority Meles had,” said Shinn. “Hailemariam will have to rely more on advice from other members of the EPRDF for key decisions.”With the change in leadership lead to possible policy changes? Ambassador Shinn doubts there will be significant policy departures.“There will inevitably be nuanced changes. Whether there will be really significant changes, it is very difficult to predict,” he said. “I’d hope in the government’s approach to the pace of democratization, opening of the political process and handling of human rights issues, that there will be significant change.”Shinn said whether or not the emerging leadership undertakes such changes will determine how the West will view the new government. For now, he said, there’s a long way to go in improving those aspects of Ethiopian policy.<br />Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-28654951575831881752012-09-16T02:30:00.000-07:002012-09-16T03:29:34.220-07:00Where is the National Interest of Ethiopia?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
The change of a Premiership in Ethiopia may show a change of a birthplace of a premier but never changes the attitude, aggressiveness, dictatorship, killings, and jailing innocent people in Ethiopia. Meles Zenawi is dead but TPLF is not dead yet. Ethiopia had been under the dictatorial rulers for too many years and Ethiopians had never seen a government chosen by the people to the people through a form of true election. Blaming the innocent people is wrong and it is the leaders and leadership fault that it has no base in building National Interest that will remain for generation to come.<br />
Westerners have their own interest in Ethiopia and in the horn of Africa and meet to their central goal in order to protect their national interest. It may sound beyond any one's imagination how the westerners successfully do protect their interest without any conflict of interest but, at the end, All these countries in the western hemisphere do understand that they have to give and take to whatever advantages one of their ally is messing around poor countries like Ethiopia. The 1st or 2nd World War conflicts do not exist anymore and if one of the westerner countries wants to brake one poor country in pieces, other members will sit around and discuss with that western country how and when it will happen, keeping their interest protected.<br />
The question Ethiopians should ask themselves how to create a National Interest to the protection of the country and the people of Ethiopia. Ethiopia's National Interest should be a stance on protecting the citizens of the country no matter what ethnicity they belong to and have the standard of a livelihood. <br />
Many foreigners are now being protected and enjoying life in Ethiopia more than the Ethiopians living in Ethiopia due to their citizenry and skin color. Poor people may think that a foreigner may help them out for the hungry stomach but it is surprising many of the regime's henchmen are bending over to the foreginers so that they can collect the Dollars and Euros. Some may call it, "Investment" but it is not and is beyond selling the dignity of the country inorder to acquire the personal empire.<br />
Ethiopians still have time to work on understanding and fullfilling the dreams by acting together in constructing the National Interst of the country for generation to come. Peace, Democracy, and Human Right should always be the basic theory of the National Interest of the country.</div>
Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-64570025207436319012012-05-03T23:48:00.001-07:002012-05-03T23:48:52.760-07:00TPLF/EPRDF Retaliates Against Civilians for Killings at Saudi StarToday, May 2, 2012, in Pokedi Village, in the Gambella region, TPLF/EPRDF Defense troops opened fire on a group of terrified Anuak civilians, killing two students, namely Zewudu Ochorjoo and Opiew Ojulu; a teacher, Mr. Obang Ochang and two local Anuak police officers named Owar Oman and Okung Oman. <br />
This is exactly what we predicted would happen in our press release of April 30, 2012<strong><em>—“Saudi Star Pakistani Foreign Workers and Ethiopians Killed in Raid on Saudi Farm Compound—Believed Related to Land.” </em></strong> The incident occurred only sixteen miles from last week’s killing of ten workers at Saudi Star Agricultural Development PLC, a 10,000 hectare rice plantation owned by Saudi-Ethiopian businessman, Mohammed Al Amoudi, a staunch government-supporter. <strong><em>We in the SMNE issued a public warning regarding the high likelihood that TPLF/EPRDF defense forces would in turn target innocent Anuak civilians, supposedly of the same ethnicity as the suspected assailants, as a means to collectively punish all Anuak. It has now begun.</em></strong><br />
We condemn the killing of any innocent civilians; however, what legitimate government then retaliates by indiscriminately targeting innocent persons by tribal identity rather than by guilt? <strong><em>Unfortunately, this is the trademark of the current TPLF/EPRDF regime. Since its rebel beginnings in the bush, they were identified as a terroristic organization by the U. S. State Department. They have not changed. Now in power for over twenty years, the terroristic nature of the regime is played out on the ground by the military forces they control who have committed massive human rights violations against their own people with government approval and legal impunity.</em></strong> <strong><em>Some of these troops, </em>but not all,</strong> <strong><em>who wear the Ethiopian uniform, are as brutal on their own people as they would be against a hostile enemy invader. </em></strong><br />
According to eyewitnesses, defense troops went to Pokedi village in the Abobo District to look for rebels. When they saw a man carrying a gun, they shot and killed him without ever questioning the man. The victim, Oman Obang, was a member of the village police force who had been officially working in that capacity. Mr. Obang had no known ties to the rebels in the bush but was commissioned by the government to protect the community in which he lived. <br />
<strong><em>After hearing the shots, others from the village’s police militia came running with their guns; however, without hesitation, the defense troops then began shooting at them as well as in every direction, wounding two of them. When some children and their teachers ran out from their school, these defense troops shot and killed two primary school students, as well a teacher and two local Anuak police officers. </em></strong><br />
<strong><em>People in the village, fearing for their lives, ran away to the bush. According to eyewitnesses, it was the defense troops who did all the killing; murdering these innocent people for nothing. After the shooting ended and the troops left, the people went to collect the bodies, bringing two of the bodies to the largest town in the district, Abobo, and the two others to the smaller villages from which they came. </em></strong><br />
On May 1, 2012, a middle-aged man was killed in the village of Perongo and in another incident; a student was killed without reason as he was walking on the road outside of the town. The killing in Pokedi happened in the middle of town in broad daylight; however, the people are even more afraid to go anywhere outside the village, feeling they will be accused and shot without even being asked a question. This is exactly what happened yesterday when this man and young student were killed in separate incidents. In another similar case, a man was shot and wounded by troops, but did not die. The vulnerability of the people makes normal activities of life nearly impossible. <br />
<strong><em>On April 30, 2012, in the small village of Batgilo, in the Gog district, an entire family—father, Mr. Owar Othimanywaa, his wife and their four children—was killed. The neighbors who were there at the time reported that the TPLF/EPRDF troops had accused the man of feeding the rebels, but neighbors reported that he had nothing to do with any of the rebels. </em></strong>We are also investigating cases of other civilians who reportedly have been murdered by defense forces since the attack on Saudi Star last week. One of those was a nineteen-year old name Amenya who was arrested and brought to the army headquarters. Tonight we have received word that he has died. He was tortured so badly, much by the barrel of a gun that he could not recover.<strong></strong><br />
<strong><em>These savage human rights abuses are perpetrated by Meles’ troops without any fear of accountability. It is barbaric. Even foreign soldiers from another land would not treat the people this way, but these troops are fellow Ethiopians, from the same country. Not all members of the TPLF/EPRDF are guilty of these crimes. This is very important to remember. </em></strong><br />
<strong><em>It does makes one wonder how the leadership of these troops, whose mission is to uphold the rule of law, to protect innocent citizens and to ensure Ethiopia’s national security, have become the biggest threat to all. No one should be punished for the crimes committed by a family member, loved one or community; but instead, only the person who is responsible. The collective Anuak population of Gambella is now at risk of being targeted for something done by a few. These actions appear to be intended to so intimidate the people that they are pushed to leave the region for their safety.</em></strong><br />
Before the killing that took place today in Pokedi, the regional and federal government called a meeting in Gambella town where all the Anuak leaders, including community leaders and religious leaders, as well as the people, were supposed to attend. Most who attended the meeting were extremely upset with the government’s demands to participate in a rally on May 3, 2012 to condemn the killing of the Saudi Star workers without acknowledging any of the other problems related to it like the land grabs and human rights abuses to the people. They were also to accuse the rebels of being anti-peace and anti-development. Officials demanded that the Anuak lead the rally and the Anuak were told that if they did not do it, they were supporting the rebels. They warned them, <strong><em>“Tomorrow we will see who is here and not supporting the rebels or who is not here and is supporting the rebels.” </em></strong><br />
Government workers were pressured even more, telling them that if they did not show up, they would lose their salary. The government gave the reason. They said that the recent killing was creating a hostile environment for investors and that was why the Anuak had to come out to condemn the killings and to publically express their support of peace and development. <br />
The official’s inflammatory and threatening language was all very upsetting to the Anuak. They made some of the following threats or taunts: <br />
<em>“Why are you Anuak opposing this land development because this land does not even belong to the Anuak but it belongs to the government.” </em><br />
<em>“If you want to take power away from Omot Obang Olom [the pro-government Anuak governor of the region] you should get rid of him, but our government will continue regardless.” </em><br />
<em>“If there was no law, what happened on December 13th could still happen again [meaning the massacre of 424 Anuak leaders in Gambella town by the TPLF/EPRDF national defense force from December 13-15, 2003]. The only thing stopping it is the law,” [which did not stop it before].</em><br />
<em>“If the Anuak are trying to separate Gambella from Ethiopia, you should be man enough to go to the bush and fight and see if you can take it. You will not succeed.” </em><br />
One Anuak said in response:<br />
<em>“Those of you in the government should think carefully before you say this kind of thing because it is so upsetting that it will incite more Anuak to go to the bush. You should think about it because the Anuak never used to be like this. You should be rational because what you are saying did not happen overnight but because of abuses. Those in the bush are doing this because you are pushing them to the edge so if you truly want peace; the language you are speaking is not the way to win the people. You are making the people more hostile because you should realize what made the people do these things in the first place. We did not get here without a problem and that is what you should be addressing right now and you should do it in a good way.” </em><br />
The tension is extreme in the region and it appears that the TPLF/EPRDF is only fueling what is already there. <strong><em>Our fear is that this will get out of control very soon and very easily with dangerous consequences to all parties. The TPLF defense forces do not trust anyone, making every Anuak a potential rebel and target. They especially are suspicious of the Anuak regional and district police who have guns as part of the job they have had with the same government that now is a threat to them. </em></strong>Yet, here is some background on two victims. Mr. Owar Oman, the Pokedi police officer who was killed today by TPLF/EPRDF defense troops was the only brother of an Anuak man, who ironically, is also a member of the TPLF/EPRDF defense troops. In a personal interview he told SMNE’s Executive Director, Obang Metho, <strong>“The same government I am fighting for has now killed my only brother.”</strong><br />
April 7, 2012, the SMNE reported on the murder of Tedo Kul Oman, a young 18-year-old student who was shot in the back and head by a TPLF/ERPDF soldier in the Gambella town. Tedo’s father Mr. Kul Oman was the Head Police Commissioner of the Dimma District [in Gambella]. This boy attended Gambella High School and was known in the town. He was not a rebel in the bush. These are the kinds of people that are being targeted. <br />
<strong><em>As the TPLF/EPRDF government tries to force the Anuak to come out to promote the appearance of peace in the region in order to pacify the investors, rallies for other reasons would be outlawed. For example, it would be against the TPLF/EPRDF law for the Anuak, other indigenous people in Gambella or Ethiopians in general to rally against the land grabs and in support of indigenous land rights. The TPLF/ERPDF would never tolerate a rally that condemned TPLF/ERPDF-sponsored human rights violations and called them to account for their crimes. </em></strong><br />
Neither would they allow a public demonstration in opposition to the villagization schemes where many Anuak and other Ethiopians have been forced off their land into resettlement camps without services or adequate land and water. The demonstrations of Muslims this past week ended up with the TPLF/EPRDF shooting into the crowd and killing five people, including a six-year-old. The TPLF/ERPDF wants the Anuak to condemn the killing of the workers but to be silent on the killing of Anuak or anyone else. <br />
<div class="redText"><strong><em>Are these all signs of desperation on the part of the TPLF/EPRDF as they try to crackdown more harshly on the people who are being pushed to their limit? Are they losing their grip on the people as people begin to feel they cannot take it anymore? It is not only in Gambella, but we are seeing similar protests in the North, with the Muslims demanding religious freedom for all in the South, in Afar where the people are experiencing much the same of what is going on in Gambella, in Benishangul-Gumuz and in the Ogaden. We are very concerned and are watching the situation very closely</em></strong>. </div><strong><em>We in the SMNE strongly urge human rights organizations and especially donor countries, who are keeping this regime in power with aid money—hoping to prevent the disintegration of a country by doing so—to now act. It is the time to personally call on Meles to tell him to stop killing the innocent people of Ethiopia. We doubt he will listen closely until the people of Ethiopia make sure he has no option! </em></strong>May the God of justice defend the people and the precious land of Ethiopia as Ethiopians stretch out their hands to Him!Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-21758276150869464932012-04-19T16:55:00.010-07:002012-04-19T17:32:39.920-07:0011 ቁጥር<div align="center">ቁጥር ሳሰላስል፣ ብዙም ሳልቆጣጥር<br />ሁለት ባለአንድ አየሁ፣ ትንሽ ስጎረጉር።<br />አሁን በኢትዮጵያ በጣም የደረቀው<br />ገኖ ሰፍቶ ስሙ ፋፍቶ የደለበው።<br />ጠፍቶ በገበያው መለኪያ ለስፍር<br />አስራ አንድ ነገሰ በልጦ ካለው ቁጥር።</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-81525408611569182102010-08-31T12:19:00.000-07:002010-08-31T12:25:53.825-07:00"ፍቅር ያሸንፋል" - በቴዲ አፍሮ Teddy's Afro New Single, "Love wins"<div align="center">ዋሽቶ ለመኖር (አቤት)አልችልም ከቶ<br />ታምኖ ይኖራል እንጂ ያለውን በልቶ:<br />ደልቶኝ የሞላ ኑሮ መኖር ባልጠላም<br />ገንዘብ ለማግኝት ብዬ አላጣም ስላም:<br />እኔ አላጣም ሰላም::<br /><br />ይህ ዓለም ንዋይ ጭኖ ወርቁን በሙዳይ<br />ማርኮ ከረታት ነፍሴን ከሰጣት ጉዳይ:<br />ህሊና ሲያጣ ሰላም ወርቅ አልማዝ ሞልቶ<br />ሳይተኙ ማደር ሊሆን ከራስ ተጣልቶ::<br />ከእዚህ ሁሉ ቅጣት ይሻላል ማጣት<br />አስኮንኛት ነፍሴን አልሞላም ኪሴን::<br /><br />ነፍሴ- እጅ እንዳትሰጪው ለኪሴ<br />ታጣይኛለሽ ከእራሴ::<br />ስላሜ እረፍት ያለብሽ በጌታ<br />ታምነሽ አኑሪኝ ከጌታ::<br /><br />(አንገት ከሚሰበር<br />ባይበላስ ቢቀር::<br />ያሉት ከሚጠፋ<br />የወለዱት ይጥፋ::<br />ይሉኝታ ከማጣ<br />ዛሬ ገንዘብ ልጣ::<br />አስገምቼው ራሴን<br />አልሞላውም ኪሴን)2<br />(አልሞላውም ኪሴን)2<br />(ባዶ ላርገው ኪሴን)2<br />አልሞላውም ኪሴን) - ባዶ<br /><br />ዋሽቶ ለመኖር (አቤት) አልችልም ከቶ<br />ታምኖ ይኖራል እንጂ ያለውን በልቶ<br />ደልቶኝ የሞላ ኑሮ መኖር ባልጠላም<br />ይሄን ለማግኘት ብዬ አላጣም ስላም<br />እኔ (አላጣም ሰላም)2::<br /><br />የዓመል ነው እንጂ ደሀ የገንዘብ የለም<br />ሰው ባይኖር እይዋት ራሷ ባዶ ናት ዓለም<br />ገንዘብ ብቻ ነው ያለ የእዚህ ዓለም ደስታ<br />ዳግም ይሸጣል ስምዖን ቢመለስ ጌታ::<br />ለሰላሣ ዲናር<br />ሊያጣ ነፍስ ይማር<br />አስኮንኛት ነፍሴን<br />አልሞላም ኪሴን<br />ነፍሴ... እጅ እንዳትሰጪው ለኪሴ<br />ታጣይኛለሽ ከእራሴ<br />ሰላሜ እረፍት ያለብሽ በጌታ<br />ታምነሽ አኑሪኝ ከጌታ<br /><br />(አንገት ከሚሰበር<br />ባይበላስ ቢቀር::<br />ያሉት ከሚጠፋ<br />የወለዱት ይጥፋ::<br />ይሉኝታ ከማጣ<br />ዛሬ ገንዘብ ልጣ::<br />አስገምቼው ራሴን<br />አልሞላውም ኪሴን::)2<br /><br />(አልሞላውም ኪሴን::)2<br />(ባዶ ላርገው ኪሴን)2<br />(አልሞላውም ኪሴን::)2</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-60549182734334076462010-07-28T22:49:00.000-07:002010-07-28T22:52:52.911-07:00Policy Adrift As Administration Sides With Africa's Enemies--The Corrupt Leaders<em>Black Star editorial calls upon Obama Administration not to screw Africa and to redeem Africa policy</em><br /><br />There comes a moment in a lifetime when one has an opportunity to break with the bad old ways in order to open a great new future.<br />That moment is still at hand for President Barack Obama with respect to U.S. relations with the African continent. His decisions could free millions of Africans from bondage -- the one imposed for decades now by African dictators often with Western collusion-- save millions of lives in avoided bloodshed, and help unleash the great reservoir wherein Africa's vast potential has been condemned.<br />President Obama started that journey last August in Accra, Ghana. He vowed he would help Africans discard the bad old ways. Yet today, the U.S. seems fully vested in that terrible type of past relationship with African countries--assisting and abetting genocidal regimes.<br />Rather than becoming a friend of Africans --the millions of ordinary Africans who yearn for democracy-- the U.S. is again acting like an enemy of Africa by embracing tyrannical regimes.<br />In Accra last August, Obama had said gone were the days of the African strongman. Yes, Africa's growth was stunted and there had never been a tradition of democratic governance due to colonial rule, Obama noted. True as these historical injustices had been, African countries could no longer use them as excuses, he added.<br />Not because they were not legitimate grievances; but because the world's compassion had dissipated and the approach would yield no fruits.<br />Now, Africans had to seize the day--the new generation of Africans; the young; the women; the entrepreneurs; the scientists; and, in other words, the next generation-- in order to create a new destiny.<br />The Big Men had had their days.<br />In a globalized economy, with investment choices, who --apart from the corrupt Western multi nationals that finance genocide in Congo, via Rwanda and Uganda-- would want to sink funds in environments dominated by corruption and embezzlement?<br />The true Africa --the Africa which remains merely "potential" -- could only be unleashed through regular and established transfer of political power; transparency; the rule of law; and, accountability. An American president was finally inviting the African continent to join the global community.<br />African countries --and the leadership-- would no longer be evaluated based on a lower standard. It was the end of paternalism and an end to coddling dictators who served U.S. interests while brutalizing their African countrywomen and men while spiriting billions of dollars of embezzled funds abroad.<br />And all of Africa --except the dictators and their acolytes-- welcomed President Obama's Accra, Ghana speech.<br />But the speech remains rosy words in the sky.<br />President Obama has the choice of either doing the right thing, or pulling another Bill Clinton on Africa. The former U.S. President, instead of conditioning U.S. financial and military assistance to African countries based on, to what extent the leadership embraced democratization and the rule of law, simply created,<br />out of thin air, "a new breed of African leaders."<br />Clinton knew the leaders --Paul Kagame in Rwanda, Yoweri Museveni in Uganda, and Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia-- represented the anti-thesis of democratization and the rule of law. Yet, Clinton simply coined a phrase that the imbecilic corporate media embraced and suddenly all was good.<br />Millions lost African lives later, these bad old leaders still run the show in these African countries, with U.S. financial and military assistance. Rwanda is on the verge of holding a bogus presidential "election" with the opposition political parties' leaders either exiled, under house arrest, or six feet under: And it seems that the U.S. is preparing to recognize the outcome of the "election."<br />This is abominable and harkens to the days when here in the United States, elections used to be held in the Southern States while Black voters were either barred from voting, being lynched, being "disappeared," or showered with water cannons.<br />Ethiopia has already held its sham elections that have been recognized by the United States. The Ethiopian regime has sold itself as a frontline state against expansion of Islamism in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia's army was permitted to commit war crimes in Somalia during its U.S.-backed occupation.<br />Zenawi has a blank check -- business as usual.<br />In Uganda a genocidal dictator, General Museveni, who also happens to be a racist -- he once told The Atlantic Monthly Magazine that Black people who were captured into slavery were "stupid" -- has similarly prostituted his country's army to serve as policeman on behalf of the United States, in Somalia. Notwithstanding the fact that the same Uganda army had been found liable by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2005 for what amounts to war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The court awarded Congo $10 billion in compensation, of which a dime has yet to be paid.<br />So, an army that had committed terrorism in Congo was sent to keep the peace in Somalia? Even by the contemptuous double standards reserved only for Africa this was exceedingly obnoxious. No wonder most African countries refused to join this charade which has been disguised as an "African Union" force.<br />Now, lo and behold, Uganda's soldiers in Somalia are reportedly indiscriminately shelling civilian areas in Mogadishu, the Somali capital. Also look for General Museveni to use the recent terrorist bombings in Kampala, reportedly by al-Shabab, the Somali militants, as justification as he crushes domestic pressure from pro-democracy forces heading into the presidential election of 2011.<br />The United States once again --in its narrow quest to satisfy strictly U.S. interests-- is on the wrong side of history in Africa.<br />It's true that President Obama inherited the U.S. Africa policy --hypocrisy: aiding and abetting genocidal dictators while calling them "allies"-- from George W. Bush, who in turn inherited the policy from Bill Clinton.<br />But this is now Obama time.<br />The African continent -- victimized and brutalized by foreign powers and never allowed to fulfill its own destiny for centuries-- deserves better. What better way than to start this transformation under the watch of a leader who traces his lineage directly to central Africa.<br />So, will President Obama deliver on his own Accra Speech or will be pull another Bill Clinton against Africa?<br />President Obama still has time to answer this question.<br /><br /><strong>"Speaking Truth To Empower."</strong>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-67900743007059945702010-01-26T18:33:00.000-08:002010-01-26T19:17:10.580-08:00Michael O'Leary reveals Ryanair may have owned Ethiopian Airlines jet which crashed, killing 90 people<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiofhuVfH-QXi-P_mZI13_hEjHrnO5W8ePEPVpZTubbiISghC8Di7j4ony3zoVTEP1EKxpW79YEUkqix_VTwFBGRAmrxRuea44lekY62WGQsPD_PdQl-fLa9zX3si3Ami7lGpHfXw/s1600-h/Ethiopian+Airlines+plane+crashed+in+Lebanon.bmp"><img style="TEXT-ALIGN: center; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 320px; DISPLAY: block; HEIGHT: 214px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5431252570416670322" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiofhuVfH-QXi-P_mZI13_hEjHrnO5W8ePEPVpZTubbiISghC8Di7j4ony3zoVTEP1EKxpW79YEUkqix_VTwFBGRAmrxRuea44lekY62WGQsPD_PdQl-fLa9zX3si3Ami7lGpHfXw/s320/Ethiopian+Airlines+plane+crashed+in+Lebanon.bmp" /> <center>The Boeing 737-800 jet - which was eight years old - had its last routine maintenance on December, 25, last year, according to Ethiopian Airlines</center></a><br /><div><div>The Ethiopian Airlines jet that crashed off Lebanon was used by Ryanair until last April, its chief executive Michael O'Leary revealed yesterday.<br />He said the budget airline had sold the Boeing 737 - serial number 29935 - in April last year and it had previously been used on a number of its European routes.<br />The Irish Aviation Authority confirmed that the aircraft was a former Ryanair plane that had logged 17,750 flight hours in its seven years of service.<br />And planespotters came forward to say they had photographed the jet at British airports between 2002 and last year.<br />Mr O'Leary denied any liability in the accident, which saw 90 passengers killed, including Britons Afif Krisht, a 57-year-old businessman from Plymouth, and Kevin Grainger, 24.<br />'What happened we don't know,' he said.<br />'It's a bit like selling your car and 11 months later the person driving it has a crash. It had nothing to do with us.'<br />The accident happened on Monday after the plane had taken off from Beirut bound for Addis Ababa, Ethiopia's capital. <img style="TEXT-ALIGN: center; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 320px; DISPLAY: block; HEIGHT: 195px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5431249607074425042" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgAmJEMNuI_zPPl0pil9xaJMNArQnqFo7_B9W67gRrtDIJ7dSOFwwbx86-bmNYWyEOzxzlwOiwqP0FFDV2tWXZo5c8UJhWGmTI5mDbtu0kJoPMNqgVtrUla63h8gJDGgrkEQyyCWg/s320/EAL.bmp" />Witnesses described seeing the plane crash into the sea and explode in a 'ball of fire'. Investigators said it had left the airport on the wrong route and flown straight into a storm.<br />It comes as Lebanon’s transport minister revealed the pilot on board the flight went in the opposite direction from the path recommended by the Beirut control tower.<br />Ghazi Aridi said he was told ‘to correct his path but he did a very fast and strange turn before disappearing completely from the radar’ after taking off from Beirut's Rafik Hariri International Airport.<br />All 90 people on board are feared dead - with so far 34 bodies pulled from the sea - after the plane went down in flames around at 2.30am during a night of lightning and thunderstorms.<br />Lebanese officials have ruled out terrorism or ‘sabotage’. The plane was headed to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.<br />Searchers are trying to locate the plane's black box and flight data recorder, which are key to determining the cause of the crash.<br />Today, rescue teams and equipment sent from the U.N. and countries including the U.S. and Cyprus are helping in the search.<br />Pieces of the plane and other debris have been washing ashore, and emergency crews have pulled a large, one-metre-long piece of the plane from the water.<br /></div><div><img style="TEXT-ALIGN: center; MARGIN: 0px auto 10px; WIDTH: 320px; DISPLAY: block; HEIGHT: 230px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5431246979719561730" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgcVBrPdWKuisHFjPlNsRNdQBx4hS1tYAc__ubPM00CW7qAmfXYLiSkxKqJ9yJTn3jlT3mne5kZtXLMJaY8Y7X50IyqxUmyy4rdv53D8mKHkF1Tglw5J9DutxNU5Em5QZw9HaB2JQ/s320/Wreckage+of+the+EAL+plane.bmp" /> An aviation analyst familiar with the investigation said Beirut air traffic control was guiding the Ethiopian flight through the thunderstorms for the first three minutes of its flight.<br />The official, who asked not to be identified, said this was standard procedure by Lebanese controllers to assist airliners departing from the airport in poor weather conditions.<br />It is unclear exactly what happened in the last two minutes of flight, the official added.<br />Patrick Smith, a U.S.-based airline pilot and aviation writer, said there were many possible causes for the crash.<br />‘Had the plane encountered extreme turbulence, or had it suffered a powerful lightning strike that knocked out instruments while penetrating strong turbulence, then structural failure or loss of control, followed by an in-flight breakup, are possible causes,’ he said.<br />Ethiopian Airlines said on Monday that the pilot had more than 20 years of experience.<br />It did not give the pilot's name or details of other aircraft the pilot had flown.<br />Ethiopian Airlines says the eight-year-old plane was leased from a division of U.S. financing company CIT Group and had its last routine maintenance on December, 25 last year.<br />It said the jet, a recent version of Boeing's best-selling model, left the U.S. factory in 2002.</div></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-68329492348427630862010-01-25T19:14:00.000-08:002010-01-25T19:16:59.719-08:00An explosion in the sky – and Beirut's worst fears came true<strong>Concerns about safety of planes taking off in storms confirmed by crash that killed 90 passengers and crew<br />By Robert Fisk, Middle East Correspondent</strong><br /><br />All weekend, it had been storming across Beirut, bringing the first snows to the mountains above the capital, a near tempest of lightning and thunder that blasted across the seafront Corniche and the runways of the city's international airport. The Lebanese often wondered just how safe it was to fly out of their country in these winter storms. And in the early hours of yesterday morning, their fears were given terrible expression when Ethiopian Airlines flight ET409 exploded in the sky scarcely two miles from Beirut, less that five minutes after take-off.<br />All day, while Lebanese army helicopters and European naval ships under the UN's command searched for bodies in the high seas, the pitiful detritus of the disaster – a baby's sandals, baggage, medicine bottles, airline seats and wires – were thrown up by the tremendous waves on Naameh beach, in sight of the airport from which the Boeing 737-800 jet had taken off.<br />There had been 90 passengers and crew aboard and by yesterday afternoon, there was no hope of finding any alive. Many saw the explosion that burst in the cloudy skies at 2.30am, a scar of sudden bright light on the horizon two miles out to sea. Within hours, Beirut airport became the inevitable scene of human desolation, one woman shrieking with grief in the terminal. Should the plane have taken off in such dreadful weather? And was this the fault of the flight deck crew, or of Beirut operations which had given the pilot clearance to take off?<br />In a world where suspicions of sabotage accompany any aircraft crash - in the "old world" pre-al Qa'ida days, a crash was assumed to be caused by technical faults or human error unless there was evidence to the contrary – it has to be said that there was no reason to suspect a criminal hand behind the tragedy. The Lebanese president, Michel Sleiman, said as much yesterday morning. There is a large expatriate community of Ethiopian workers in Beirut and, despite its repeated wars, Lebanon has had no political contact with African conflicts.<br />Of the 34 bodies – two of them children – recovered from the sea last night, many are so dismembered that they will need DNA examinations to be identified. There were two Britons among the 83 passengers, along with 54 Lebanese and 22 Ethiopians. The passenger manifest also included Canadians, French – including Marla Pieton the wife of the French ambassador to Lebanon, Iraqi, Syrian and Turkish nationals. From their relatives at the airport came awful tales; of the mother who pleaded with her son to delay travelling because of the weather, of parents who could not understand why a plane should take off into a thunderstorm in the middle of the night over a raging sea.<br />But taking off from Beirut in bad weather has always been an unsettling experience. The location of the airport, just south of the city, means that outbound airliners must fly out to sea immediately after leaving the ground. If they continued south, they would quickly be heading for the Israeli frontier. The usual take-off runway forces pilots to bank heavily to starboard and passengers can sea the ocean immediately below the right wing of the plane. In bad weather – and I write as a veteran Beirut airline passenger – the sight of massive waves and sea-spray under the starboard wing-tip is usually a little terrifying. It normally takes more than 10 minutes to rise above the turbulence and flight ET409 exploded when it was still in cloud, just five minutes after leaving the ground. Beirut has a first-class record in on-time takeoffs; the question must be asked if controllers allowed this to overcome any doubts about the weather. But planes had been taking off into the same storm and lightning for more than 12 hours before the disaster. Yesterday, the Lebanese Prime Minister, Saad Hariri, paid a painful visit to the airport to meet distraught relatives, some of whom would not accept that the jet had been lost.<br />The last crash at Beirut airport was more than 20 years ago when a Polish freight aircraft crashed in the hills to the south-east.<br />During the 1975-90 civil war, a Hungarian Malev airliner was accidentally hit by a stray shell while coming in to land. All aboard were killed. Shortly afterwards, a Lebanese MEA Boeing 707 exploded over Saudi Arabia when a bomb – put aboard, probably by a Palestinian group and timed to blow up when the flight had reached its destination – exploded prematurely.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-76242443359063278872010-01-21T10:25:00.000-08:002010-01-21T10:33:21.724-08:002009 Human Rights Watch Report on EthiopiaEthiopia is on a deteriorating human rights trajectory as parliamentary elections approach in 2010. These will be the first national elections since 2005, when post-election protests resulted in the deaths of at least 200 protesters, many of them victims of excessive use of force by the police. Broad patterns of government repression have prevented the emergence of organized opposition in most of the country. In December 2008 the government re-imprisoned opposition leader Birtukan Midekssa for life after she made remarks that allegedly violated the terms of an earlier pardon.<br />In 2009 the government passed two pieces of legislation that codify some of the worst aspects of the slide towards deeper repression and political intolerance. A civil society law passed in January is one of the most restrictive of its kind, and its provisions will make most independent human rights work impossible. A new counterterrorism law passed in July permits the government and security forces to prosecute political protesters and non-violent expressions of dissent as acts of terrorism.<br /><strong>Political Repression and the 2010 Elections</strong><br />As Ethiopia heads toward nationwide elections, the government continues to clamp down on the already limited space for dissent or independent political activity. Ordinary citizens who criticize government policies or officials frequently face arrest on trumped-up accusations of belonging to illegal "anti-peace" groups, including armed opposition movements. Officials sometimes bring criminal cases in a manner that appears to selectively target government critics, as when in June 2009 prominent human rights activist Abebe Worke was charged with illegal importation of radio equipment and ultimately fled the country. In the countryside government-supplied (and donor-funded) agricultural assistance and other resources are often used as leverage to punish and prevent dissent, or to compel individuals into joining the ruling party.<br />The opposition is in disarray, but the government has shown little willingness to tolerate potential challengers. In December 2008 the security forces re-arrested Birtukan Midekssa, leader of the Unity for Democracy and Justice Party, which had begun to build a grassroots following in the capital. The government announced that Birtukan would be jailed for life because she had made public remarks that violated the terms of an earlier pardon for alleged acts of treason surrounding the 2005 elections. The authorities stated that there was no need for a trial as the move was a mere legal technicality.<br />In July the Ethiopian government passed a new anti-terrorism law. The law provides broad powers to the police, and harsh criminal penalties can be applied to political protesters and others who engage in acts of nonviolent political dissent. Some of its provisions appear tailored less toward addressing terrorism and more toward allowing for a heavy-handed response to mass public unrest, like that which followed Ethiopia's 2005 elections.<br /><strong>Civil Society Activism and Media Freedom</strong><br />The space for independent civil society activity in Ethiopia, already extremely narrow, shrank dramatically in 2009. In January the government passed a new civil society law whose provisions are among the most restrictive of any comparable law anywhere in the world. The law makes any work that touches on human rights or governance issues illegal if carried out by foreign non-governmental organizations, and labels any Ethiopian organization that receives more than 10 percent of its funding from sources outside of Ethiopia as "foreign." The law makes most independent human rights work virtually impossible, and human rights work deemed illegal under the law is punishable as a criminal offense.<br />Ethiopia passed a new media law in 2008 that improved upon several repressive aspects of the previous legal regime. The space for independent media activity in Ethiopia remains severely constrained, however. In August two journalists were jailed on charges derived partly from Ethiopia's old, and now defunct, press proclamation. Ethiopia's new anti-terror law contains provisions that will impact the media by making journalists and editors potential accomplices in acts of terrorism if they publish statements seen as encouraging or supporting terrorist acts, or even, simply, political protest.<br /><strong>Pretrial Detention and Torture</strong><br />The Ethiopian government continues its longstanding practice of using lengthy periods of pretrial and pre-charge detention to punish critics and opposition activists, even where no criminal charges are ultimately pursued. Numerous prominent ethnic Oromo Ethiopians have been detained in recent years on charges of providing support to the outlawed Oromo Liberation Front (OLF); in almost none of these cases have charges been pursued, but the accused, including opposition activists, have remained in detention for long periods. Canadian national Bashir Makhtal was convicted on charges of supporting the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in July, after a trial that was widely criticized as unfair; he was in detention for two-and-a-half years before his sentence was handed down, and he was unable to access legal counsel and consular representatives for much of that period.<br />Not only are periods of pretrial detention punitively long, but detainees and convicted prisoners alike face torture and other ill-treatment. Human Rights Watch and other organizations have documented consistent patterns of torture in police and military custody for many years. The Ethiopian government regularly responds that these abuses do not exist, but even the government's own Human Rights Commission acknowledged in its 2009 annual report that torture and other abuses had taken place in several detention facilities, including in Ambo and Nekemte.<br /><strong>Impunity for Military Abuses</strong><br />The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) has committed serious abuses, in some cases amounting to war crimes or crimes against humanity, in several different conflicts in recent years. Human Rights Watch is not aware of any meaningful efforts to hold the officers or government officials most responsible for those abuses to account. The only government response to crimes against humanity and other serious abuses committed by the military during a brutal counterinsurgency campaign in Gambella in late 2003 and 2004 was an inquiry that prosecuted a handful of junior personnel for deliberate and widespread patterns of abuse. No one has been investigated or held to account for war crimes and other widespread violations of the laws of war during Ethiopia's bloody military intervention in neighboring Somalia from 2006 to 2008.<br />In August 2008 the Ethiopian government did purport to launch an inquiry into allegations of serious crimes in Somali Regional State, where the armed forces have been fighting a campaign against the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Front for many years. The inquiry was sponsored by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, lacked independence, and concluded that no serious abuses took place. To date the government continues to restrict access of independent investigators into the area.<br /><strong>Relations in the Horn of Africa</strong><br />In August the Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission issued its final rulings on monetary damages stemming from the bloody 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Nonetheless the two countries remain locked in an intractable dispute about the demarcation of the heavily militarized frontier. Eritrea continues to play a destabilizing role throughout the Horn of Africa through its efforts to undermine and attack the government of Ethiopia wherever possible. The government of President Isayas Afewerki hosts and materially supports fighters from Ethiopian rebel movements, including the Oromo Liberation Front. Eritrea has also pursued a policy of supporting armed opposition groups in Somalia as a way of undermining Ethiopia's support for the country's weak Transitional Federal Government.<br /><strong>Key International Actors</strong><br />Ethiopia is one of the most aid-dependant countries in the world and received more than US$2 billion in 2009, but its major donors have been unwilling to confront the government over its worsening human rights record. Even as the country slides deeper into repression, the Ethiopian government uses development aid funding as leverage against the donors who provide it-many donors fear that the government would discontinue or scale back their aid programs should they speak out on human rights concerns. This trend is perhaps best exemplified by the United Kingdom, whose government has consistently chosen to remain silent in order to protect its annual £130 million worth of bilateral aid and development programs.<br />Donors are also fearful of jeopardizing access for humanitarian organizations to respond to the drought and worsening food crisis. Millions of Ethiopians depend on food aid, and the government has sought to minimize the scale of the crisis and restrict access for independent surveys and response.<br />While Ethiopia's government puts in place measures to control the elections in 2010, many donors have ignored the larger trends and focused instead on negotiating with the government to allow them to send election observers.<br />A significant shift in donor policy toward Ethiopia would likely have to be led by the US government, Ethiopia's largest donor and most important political ally on the world stage. But President Barack Obama's administration has yet to depart from the policies of the Bush administration, which consistently refused to speak out against abuses in Ethiopia. While the reasons may be different-the current government is not as narrowly focused on security cooperation with Ethiopia as was the Bush administration- thus far the practical results have been the same. The events described above attracted little public protest from the US government in 2009.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-17588334489220323972010-01-18T18:34:00.000-08:002010-01-18T18:37:40.992-08:00Obama Follows Reagan-era Blueprint After Earthquake in HaitiBy Alexander Poster<br /><em><span style="font-size:85%;">Alexander Poster is Smith-Richardson Fellow at Yale and a graduate student at The Ohio State University. He will defend a dissertation on the history of disaster relief entitled “A Hierarchy of Survival: The United States and the Negotiation of International Disaster Relief” in 2010.<br /></span></em>In response to the Haitian earthquake, one of the costliest natural disasters ever to strike the Caribbean, President Obama took immediate action. After promising an initial commitment of $100 million to earthquake relief, the President insisted that further U.S. action in Haiti would be necessary, stating “this investment will grow over the coming year”. Not surprisingly, right-wing pundit Rush Limbaugh voiced his disapproval of the President’s decision. “We've already donated to Haiti, it's called the U.S. income tax," grumbled Limbaugh, creating a firestorm of controversy that he most certainly welcomed.<br />While Mr. Limbaugh was likely aware of the inflammatory nature of his comments, he may not have known that the framework of American humanitarian relief policy was put in place by a man he frequently cites and admires– former President Ronald Reagan.<br />Faced with an ambitious slate of Cold War objectives, a war-weary American public skeptical of military intervention, and a flagging U.S. economy, Reagan officials turned to disaster relief in the early 1980s, not just as a humanitarian afterthought, but as part of a foreign policy strategy that pursued political and developmental goals. Beginning in 1984 with the Ethiopian famine, the Reagan administration made a major financial commitment to disaster relief, investing over $500 million as part of a plan that would both feed starving children and weaken Ethiopian leader Mengistu Haile Mariam’s socialist regime. Since the Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance had few people on the ground in Ethiopia and President Reagan was dubious about giving money directly to Mengistu, most of the $500 million was distributed in the form of grants to private aid agencies, such as the Red Cross. Reagan officials were thus able to exercise some degree of leverage in Ethiopia, albeit indirectly. Viewing their humanitarian and political objectives as interconnected, they temporarily discouraged Mengistu from resettling peasants onto collective farms.<br />The response to the Ethiopian famine comprised Washington’s first hundred-million dollar commitment to a foreign natural disaster, establishing a precedent that is still followed today. In 1986, Reagan officials provided El Salvador with $300 million in the months following an earthquake that threatened political and economic stability in the war-torn Central American nation. Not only did the funds provide President Jose Napoleon Duarte with money to stave off communist challenges (leftist guerrillas started providing Salvadorans with food and fresh water hours after the tremor), Washington’s response to the earthquake allowed Reagan officials a role in the reconstruction of San Salvador, lowering trade barriers and opening up channels for investment from American businesses. The recipients of American reconstruction grants included both aid agencies and private firms. Disaster relief not only represented an important plank in President Reagan’s Cold War strategy, it also served as a means to dictate neoliberal terms of development in catastrophe-stricken countries.<br />Both Democratic and Republican presidents followed Reagan’s blueprint. During the early 1990s, the Clinton administration funded humanitarian missions in Haiti, using feeding campaigns to weaken support for Lieutenant General Raoul Cedras, whose coup overthrew President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. When Republicans won control of Congress in 1994, The Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance was one of the few bureaucracies whose funding was not cut by conservative lawmakers. After the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, Bush officials spent $800 million, committing themselves to reconstructing communities in Indonesia. The Agency for International Development’s website boasts of reviving markets, pressing for women’s rights in Indonesian Islamic courts, and promoting democratic local elections. Although the Cold War had ended, the use of humanitarian policy to fulfill political and developmental objectives continued.<br />President Obama’s commitment to the rebuilding of Haiti thus fits into a larger pattern of American humanitarian policy established during the 1980s. The President’s actions are neither surprising nor partisan. In this instance, Mr. Limbaugh, an avowed conservative, may have been (albeit unwittingly) the voice advocating change.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-54968118308562088252009-12-28T16:28:00.000-08:002009-12-28T17:13:01.106-08:002009 Person of the Year (video)<center><iframe allowfullscreen='allowfullscreen' webkitallowfullscreen='webkitallowfullscreen' mozallowfullscreen='mozallowfullscreen' width='520' height='366' src='https://www.blogger.com/video.g?token=AD6v5dzyZ_ZtfsvcLlg5kTTzUiBhAilofapiUU39e3mu8dlA6rEwGZyYfn_QpTXyytXemFtyPj15gqS8KL0' class='b-hbp-video b-uploaded' frameborder='0'></iframe></center>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-69513970244667418882009-07-15T11:38:00.000-07:002009-07-15T11:40:58.933-07:00Minister won't return home<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEKidZDyU_kx9iByYLsAHWvC5v3tZoYsQ9BYimjuEjFjBUJSq6hJNBLubePjxJLeg0mxoIJ1c5pf5ajxssJxPpYJfh8_qVt8Gvk6fd0oxG5HV3szwGYg0pmNrBfvjwOdh0s62etw/s1600-h/Ermias+Kebede.jpg"><img style="MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 198px; FLOAT: right; HEIGHT: 150px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5358758732892809506" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiEKidZDyU_kx9iByYLsAHWvC5v3tZoYsQ9BYimjuEjFjBUJSq6hJNBLubePjxJLeg0mxoIJ1c5pf5ajxssJxPpYJfh8_qVt8Gvk6fd0oxG5HV3szwGYg0pmNrBfvjwOdh0s62etw/s320/Ermias+Kebede.jpg" /></a>Addis Ababa - Ethiopia's state minister for communication affairs has refused to return home from the United Sates after an official visit, a top government official said on Wednesday.<br />Ermias Legesse was issued with an 11-day visa and left for the US in the second week of June, but has not returned.<br />"He didn't report back, but there is nothing political in that," said the official who spoke on condition of anonymity.<br />"He has chosen to stay there. It seems he has dreamt about going to the US," he added. "Sometimes strange things happen."<br />Ermias, who is in his thirties, was appointed to the position earlier this year.<br />The US embassy in Addis Ababa declined to comment on the matter, but a diplomatic source said Ermias "has not been reachable for several days".<br />- SAPAUnknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-64120141085178232702009-06-30T17:24:00.000-07:002009-06-30T17:46:00.466-07:00HRW: Proposed TPLF's Counterterrorism Legislation Violates Human Rights<span style="color:#333333;"><strong>June 30, 2009</strong></span><br />(Nairobi) - Ethiopia's draft counterterrorism law could punish political speech and peaceful protest as terrorist acts and encourage unfair trials if enacted, Human Rights Watch said today. The government and members of parliament should amend the draft law, which may otherwise be imminently passed as-is by parliament, to meet international human rights standards, Human Rights Watch said.<br />Human Rights Watch's <a href="http://www.hrw.org/node/84132">detailed analysis</a> of the draft Anti-Terrorism Proclamation concludes that the bill violates fundamental freedoms of speech and peaceful assembly, and strips defendants of important due-process protections. As drafted, the law could provide a new and potent tool for suppressing political opposition and independent criticism of government policy, Human Rights Watch said.<br />"Ethiopia may well need a fair and effective law to combat terrorism, but this is not it," said Joanne Mariner, Terrorism and Counterterrorism Program director at Human Rights Watch. "As drafted, this law could encourage serious abuses against political protesters and provide legal cover for repression of free speech and due-process rights."<br />The measure ignores well-established standards embedded in both international law and Ethiopia's own law, Human Rights Watch said.<br />The draft law's overly broad definition of terrorist acts could be used to prosecute peaceful political protesters and would in some circumstances impose lengthy prison terms and even the death penalty as a punishment for damaging property or disrupting public services.<br />Even those who merely express support for a peaceful political protest could be deemed terrorists under the law, as well as any member of the group who engaged in the protest. The law would even eliminate protections against the use of confessions obtained after torture.<br /><strong>Among the draft counterterrorism law's most worrying provisions are</strong>:<br /><ul><li>The definition of terrorist acts, which could be used to prosecute a very wide range of conduct - far beyond the limits of what can reasonably be considered terrorist activity. Besides violent acts and kidnapping, an act that "causes serious damage to property" or "disruption or interference of a public service" may be deemed terrorist under the law if carried out for a specified purpose. This definition is so broad that a nonviolent political protest that disrupts traffic might be labeled a "terrorist act." As the UN special rapporteur on human rights and counterterrorism has explained, the concept of terrorism should be limited to acts committed with the intention of causing death or serious bodily injury, or the taking of hostages, and not property crimes. </li><li>The expansion of police powers to search, arrest, and restrict movement of individuals and destroy property without judicial oversight, in many cases based solely on the belief that terrorist activity "will be" committed. The law also provides for "terrorist suspects" to be held for up to four months without charge. </li><li>The approval of using hearsay or "indirect evidences" in court without any limitation. Official intelligence reports would also be admissible, even if they do not disclose their source or how their information was gathered. By making intelligence reports admissible in this way, the law effectively would allow evidence obtained under torture - if defense counsel could not ascertain the methods by which intelligence was collected, they would not be able to show that it was collected in an abusive way.</li><li>The criminalization of speech "encouraging," "advancing," or "in support" of terrorist acts even if the speech is not directly inciting acts of terrorism. The law would even criminalize providing "moral support" to someone who is alleged to have engaged in a terrorist act. Coupled with the extremely broad definition of terrorist acts, this could result in a conviction for encouraging or giving moral support to participants in a nonviolent political protest that disrupts traffic or causes minor property damage. </li><li>The approval of imposing the death penalty for certain offenses that cannot be considered among the "most serious crimes," as required by international law. Human Rights Watch opposes the death penalty in all circumstances because it is inherently cruel and irrevocable.</li></ul><p>Human Rights Watch urged the Ethiopian government to seek input from human rights experts and to ensure that civil society and the public are given a fair opportunity to review and comment on any draft counterterrorism legislation.<br />"If the government really wants to produce a solid piece of legislation that can help combat terrorism, then it should immediately seek input from civil society and international experts, and amend the law's worst provisions," Mariner said.<br />Several bombings and grenade attacks in Addis Ababa, Dire Dawa, and elsewhere have claimed Ethiopian civilian lives over the years, and the Ethiopian government has alleged that these attacks were carried out by armed opposition groups.<br />Most recently, in October 2008, the Ethiopian trade mission in Hargeisa, Somaliland, was one of the targets of multiple suicide bombings that killed at least 20 people; the attacks were blamed on al-Shabaab, a Somali armed group with alleged links to al-Qaeda.<br />Although <a href="http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/ethiopia">Ethiopia</a> has legitimate security concerns over <a href="http://www.hrw.org/en/category/topic/terrorism">terrorism</a>, Human Rights Watch said that Ethiopia's increasing repression of political opposition and independent civil society since the controversial <a href="http://www.hrw.org/node/11760">2005 elections,</a> when scores of individuals protesting the election results were killed and injured by security forces, raises special concerns.<br />Since 2005, government efforts to suppress criticism have increased, and Ethiopian officials consistently deny well-documented reports of systematic killings, arbitrary arrest and detention, and torture by members of the military and police forces in various regions of the country.</p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-52905298326556449892009-05-16T22:00:00.000-07:002009-05-16T22:22:09.022-07:00Ethiopia - Pragmatist versus Idealist Politics of Opposition Groups<span style="font-family:times new roman;color:#666666;">by Alex <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_0" class="blsp-spelling-error">Birhanu</span> </span><a href="mailto:alexbirhanu@yahoo.com"><span style="font-family:times new roman;color:#666666;">alexbirhanu@yahoo.com</span></a><br /><strong>Introduction</strong>:<br />Pragmatists are very passionate politicians that follow their instinct or their heart’s feelings and guts. Usually they dream of or believe in what they think as the absolute and unshakable truth. Opposed to principled idealist thinkers, pragmatists never entertain different views coming from various sources other than their astounding beliefs; and no matter the outcomes, they stead <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_1" class="blsp-spelling-error">fistedly</span> act bold, passionate and desperate when taking decisive actions. Pragmatists use whatever means is available at their disposal to secure what is in their vested interests. At times, they may become merciless in their executive actions especially when circumstances get tough. At such moments they act tougher and gain unwavering militaristic victory.<br />On the contrary, principle oriented politicians are idealist thinkers who bring about visionary thoughts; and are considered as principled people with good national visions. They are often blamed for being ‘paper-tigers”. But they never give up the principles they stand for in desperate times and in challenging and tough situations. Indeed unflinchingly they stand to the principles they adhere to and remain there till the end, no matter how badly circumstances may change for the worst. A case in point in the Ethiopian politics is the zealous <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_2" class="blsp-spelling-error">EPRP</span>-followers unwavering stand and efforts that adhere to <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_3" class="blsp-spelling-error">EPRP</span>’s initial political principles to this very day.<br />These two extreme categories of political traits at the extreme ends of an isle are at times referred to as the realistic traits versus the idealistic traits. In essence, however, power without principle is vicious; and yet principle without power is unproductive. That means, in real life, each perspective needs some combination of traits taken from one another in order to keep things in a balanced motion. Why is it so necessary to balance between these 2-well known ideological traits standing at extreme ends of the isle? The reason is clear. If our end goal is to bring about a more democratic sphere of functional change in Ethiopia, then we must draw the good bit of each trait to the center with which we can gather momentum for a huge take-off that eventually leads to democratic national building plans devised harmoniously. As each category represents the extreme political stand, each keeps on shaping up human history for good or for worse. Those who took the mid-way between these 2-extreme traits did forge democratic changes required by their nation; and brought about lasting peace. Much of what we observe in Western societies today is simply the result of such outcomes. The relationship between the pragmatist and the idealist political traits are not mutually exclusive; rather, the relationship between these two political traits is a symbiotic one. In either case, one of the traits may achieve its end results without forging something from the other. But such a move <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_4" class="blsp-spelling-error">doesn</span>’t arrive at any happy endings; in fact it arrives at disastrous results or that of maintaining the status <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_5" class="blsp-spelling-error">quo</span> without any forward moving progress. On the one hand, if the pragmatists are left with unbridled freedom to exercise their power, then they mess-up national systems and networks beyond repair. On the other hand, if the principled idealists are left all alone to do the most they can, and then they may waste so much time on a series of principal discussions and round-table decision making processes without achieving tangible results – i.e., such moves may leave the public to come to a point of despair.<br /><br /><strong>Idealist Opposition</strong>:<br />Embarking on the prevailing Ethiopian political arena, the majority in the opposition camp both at home and in Diaspora seem to fall in the idealist category. We make lots of thinking, and come up with so many proposals, so many ideas, beautiful ideals etc., but still the key works to be done in concrete terms lack enough of the passion with which to bring about change. As opposition groups we remain vocal but action wise we are seriously mortal. Volumes of vocal opposition were produced thus far. But we achieved practically insignificant outcomes in concrete terms inside Ethiopia. Hence, Ethiopia remains artificially land-locked with no access or no retrieving made to regain <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_6" class="blsp-spelling-error">Assab</span> Seaport. Its people lack basic human rights to speak of; with <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_7" class="blsp-spelling-error">Birtukan</span> <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_8" class="blsp-spelling-error">Mideksa</span> still remaining jailed for unfounded reasons. Majority Ethiopian livelihoods still remain in abject poverty. And if we have to reverse <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_9" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span>’s anti-peace-policy standing in practical terms by a sustainable peace in the region, it is highly justifiable for the 80 million Ethiopian peoples represented by its solidified and united opposition front to eventually regain the legitimate Ethiopian rights to regain access to the sea through <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_10" class="blsp-spelling-error">Assab</span> Port. Likewise, by returning the port of <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_11" class="blsp-spelling-error">Assab</span> to Ethiopia willingly, Eritrea will remain in a better <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_12" class="blsp-spelling-error">socio</span>-economic and political networking position with Ethiopia and with the rest of its neighbors. It means none of the two countries are to worry about counter-fighting one another due to geographically unsettled demarcation issues that still remain pending under <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_13" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span> for nearly 2-decades in raw.<br /><br /><strong>Pragmatist <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_14" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span></strong>:<br />Most of the time, pragmatists are said to be good leaders in war times and in managing crisis moments. Soon after that, however, they become obsolete. This is a typical case of <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_15" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span>. Ever since they captured power from the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_16" class="blsp-spelling-error">DERG</span>, the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_17" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span> regime has decided to remain in power indefinitely. It declares its unflinching decisions never to kneel down for those coming through ballot boxes for what it paid in blood, tears and sweats under the barrel of the gun. It also means <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_18" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span> has already begun to eat-up its own glory of the early 1990s slowly. As pragmatists <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_19" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span>-leadership remains tough, stubborn and stuck into their own passionate militaristic glories of yesteryear even when things are getting tougher by the day. But this might have been acceptable in the hay days of the early 1990s, now nearly after two decades later; such stubbornness casts shadows of doubts associated with the pragmatist traits of the man on the driving sit in Ethiopia. When things are tough the PM remains pragmatic and takes critical measures regardless of their repercussions on <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_20" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span>’s political features. This might have served him well during those hay-days in the struggle against the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_21" class="blsp-spelling-error">DERG</span> regime; but this time around, that same stubborn political stand is simply eating him up alive by each day that goes by; and by depraving him of all the dignity and glory that might be bestowed up on him as a good leader otherwise. Usually, the PM is known for taking swift and decisive actions no matter what these actions might ensue at the end of the day. A case in point is the expulsion of Eritrean persons from Ethiopia. And if such situations start to slide out of hand the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_22" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span>-regime will deal with each, till such time it builds its own glory out of each case. The worst problem with <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_23" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span> is that it listens to no one, but to itself.<br /><br /><strong>Lessons Learned From Past Mistakes</strong>:<br />Focusing on the current predicament of the idealist opposition camp, one can see that the number of Ethiopians opposing injustice is increasing by the day; not excluding those who are indifferent and those withdrawing their consent silently. However the leadership of the idealist opposition camps is not yet able to harness or channel this mass opposition inertia of pluralistic nature into a constructive unitary political entity. That means we need to learn from past mistakes and stop acting as vocal opposition only barking from Diaspora or from the Parliament House in <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_24" class="blsp-spelling-error">Addis</span> <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_25" class="blsp-spelling-error">Ababa</span>. We should go for winning the hearts, souls, and minds of the Ethiopian public at home and abroad; and bring about a fair and fraternal change without causing havoc or destruction; or without many losses of valuable human lives and property. This can be achieved only when the opposition groups at home and in Diaspora are ready to merge and do away with our die-hard differences for the sake of rescuing Ethiopia’s unity and national stability. We need to come to a workable consensus beyond crying foul on ethnic, religious or worldview differences among us. The idiomatic expression: ‘United, we win; divided we fail’ has been preached many thousands of times but in vain. It is easily said than done. In a serious note, we seem to remain stubborn, and go our own individualistic way to oblivion. When the quest for forging a firmly united opposition force remains at stake; and when the 2010 election is coming closer by each day that goes by, we seem still not fully prepared to deal with our heart-aching tasks properly beyond tones load of vocal opposition. How much of the homework expected of the opposition group is done in a systematic and structured manner compared to the vocal opposition and lip services we rendered thus far? The judgment is left for each reader to outweigh the gravity of our failures thus far.<br /><br /><strong>Ernest Call for a Solidified United Opposition Front</strong>:<br />Transforming those who are in the opposition camp into change agents must be the priority of the opposition camp leading us eventually towards forging a solidified united opposition front. By converting ourselves beyond vocal opposition into fierce fighters and practically contributing partners we can enrich the struggle by the opposition’s united front to achieve results. There is no question regarding our vested will to bring about government change in Ethiopia. Both the overwhelming majority of the Ethiopian public and the well-trenched opposition party sympathizers and members dream of government change. But translating this existing political inertia and vested will into concrete actions require technical expertise, financial, human and material resources. That means both at an individual and group levels, the opposition camp must be more committed and more proficient in our collaborative efforts. I realize that Diaspora people do have other responsibilities. On top of our daily concerns for Ethiopia we remain providers not only to our family members in our immediate surrounding, but also to extended family members in Ethiopia. In order to draw more and more Diaspora groups into the opposition camp for the actual struggle, there is no other alternative than to devise more appropriate means which are compatible with or complimentary to our lifestyles here abroad. Provided that we are solidified as a united opposition front both at home and abroad, the Ethiopian people know well not only that the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_26" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span> regime is on its way out from office, but also they know it will happen pretty soon. For that reason, it is our common task to create a favorable environment for Ethiopians of all walks of life to involve us in the struggle for victory by a solidified united opposition front both at home and abroad.<br />Finally, the opposition group has to be disciplined. It must learn its lessons from past emotional mistakes and act purposefully, swiftly and by rational reasoning means on the following 3-crucial factors outlined for further consideration:<br />Firstly, the opposition should act strategically on matters pertinent to foreign relations and seize opportunities to its advantage when they surface incidentally. It should try to hold the balance between political principles and passionate interests concerning foreign policy.<br />Secondly, the opposition should make a strong presence inside Ethiopia. As a united and firm standing body, the opposition group must be solidified, united, and well equipped to do the grass-roots <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_27" class="blsp-spelling-error">concretization</span> job at home inside Ethiopia with relative ease. Those groups with knowledge of the local background might do well in each ethnic region that they are familiar with. This will help the opposition executives to critically and rationally allocate organizational roles according to merits rather than emotions. Politics is about reality, and reality is created by perception or reasoning. So there has to be a will and a way the opposition group can compliment each other’s weaknesses and strengths. The opposition group should collectively draw strategic action plans on how to stay united, solid, and remain relevant for winning the struggle waged by the opposition camp. The opposition camp must forge viable semblance for national unity rather than going one’s own way single-<span id="SPELLING_ERROR_28" class="blsp-spelling-error">handedly</span>.<br />Thirdly, the opposition group must realize that time is a critical factor of essence. In that case, why is the process for unification taking such a long time? It is very shocking and saddening to watch each opposition group behaving as if it has all the time in the whole world to unit itself gradually with others in the distant future. This shows that time is taken by the opposition groups as luxury entity and opposing the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_29" class="blsp-spelling-error">TPLF</span>-regime is taken as an easy job to be accomplished in the unforeseeable future. Let us not be mistaken. The road to freedom is a long and tiresome march. The opposition has to identify and manage its passionate desires and its idealist political principles in clear terms so that some compromise is forged for the good of unity; and for jointly achievable outcomes in a reasonable window of time. Meanwhile each opposition group should place a means of checks and balances that help the smooth working relationship between the two extremist traits. Actually, the opposition group needs to balance its politics between forging shrewdness and aggressiveness of pragmatists and considering its idealistic and current global political perspectives for brighter Ethiopian political governance.<br /><br /><em><span style="font-size:85%;">Those who wish to contact the author can reach at his email address indicated at the <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_30" class="blsp-spelling-corrected">beginning</span> of the article.</span></em>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-48780939794779556132009-04-22T01:51:00.000-07:002009-04-22T02:27:20.921-07:00The Ethiopian Community in Washington is Hating on DLA Piper<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuKwoSH3uW-xP_24mb3W2lsvEWpKy43MkprOT550jxp_wFkcoIalRNjFgJKBCg-Vtis_PWy3_W6dHLib9-qa-cH_SsWHqD8Gtbxjva98jrhBfYZywNV7JSzJm2A7-w6Ex15IXKrw/s1600-h/DLA+Piper+Ad.jpg"><img style="MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 200px; FLOAT: right; HEIGHT: 267px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5327444818189814434" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuKwoSH3uW-xP_24mb3W2lsvEWpKy43MkprOT550jxp_wFkcoIalRNjFgJKBCg-Vtis_PWy3_W6dHLib9-qa-cH_SsWHqD8Gtbxjva98jrhBfYZywNV7JSzJm2A7-w6Ex15IXKrw/s320/DLA+Piper+Ad.jpg" /></a>Some of our DC-based readers may have spotted this DLA Piper hate ad making its way around town via taxi. An ATL reader sent us this photo, saying:<br /><blockquote>"I saw this cab on Connecticut Ave. in front of the Mayflower yesterday and it<br />caught my attention. Strange."<br /></blockquote><br /><div>Our first response was, "Bad PR for DLA Piper, but doesn't everybody already know that blood money is the currency of Biglaw?" Our second response was to find out about this legislation and reach out to the firm.<br />The <a href="http://www.law.com/jsp/article.jsp?id=1202422729631">American Lawyer</a> wrote in 2008 about the Piper's playing the flute for the Ethiopian government. Partners <a href="http://www.google.com/url?sa=t&source=web&ct=res&cd=1&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.dlapiper.com%2Fdick_armey%2F&ei=ldnrSamxIteLtgeO_NGdBg&usg=AFQjCNGz0WMwggQ10J4AhQlYLn7gytRiUg">Dick Armey</a>, a former House majority leader, and <a href="http://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.dlapiper.com/gary_klein/&ei=aNnrSdO3BuDJtgfFkfybBg&sa=X&oi=spellmeleon_result&resnum=1&ct=result&usg=AFQjCNHIzyHwO2YC4Pp86tohA9P4IOokbQ">Gary Klein</a> lobbied on Capitol Hill on behalf of Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who angered human rights advocates in 2005 with violent crackdowns on protesters during the elections there. The American Lawyer reports that the Piper was playing to the tune of over $50,000 a month. That's a whole lot of injera.<br />The taxi ad refers to <a href="http://www.statesurge.com/bills/389658-s3457-federal">a bill</a> introduced by Senators Feingold and Leahy "to reaffirm United States objectives in Ethiopia and encourage critical democratic and humanitarian principles and practices." Or. in other words, a bill to encourage Ethiopia not to inflict violent crackdowns on its citizens. DLA Piper's lobbying efforts may have paid off. The bill has been languishing with the Committee on Foreign Relations since 2008.<br />DLA Piper's spokesman told us that the firm's representation of the Ethiopian government actually ended in November. A statement from the firm refers indirectly to the protesting taxi driver (and other DLA Piper haters): "There are some very vocal elements of the Ethiopian Diaspora, particularly in the Washington area, who are opponents of the current administration in Ethiopia and go to great lengths to try to embarrass or demean those who are associated with it."<br />See the full statement, after the jump. DLA Piper may no longer have Ethiopia as a client, but the firm is actively helping to churn out new lawyers over in Addis Ababa.<a name="more"></a><br />DLA Piper says its representation of the Ethiopians ceased in November, though it's still involved in pro bono initiative sending its lawyers to Addis Ababa to teach law school to aspiring Ethiopian esquires.<br /></div><br /><div><strong>STATEMENT FROM DLA PIPER</strong><br />For several years, DLA Piper provided advice and counsel to the democratically elected government of Ethiopia on a wide range of public policy, regulatory, legislative and legal matters. Our work focused on strengthening bilateral relations with the US, including humanitarian, economic and development assistance, trade and investment opportunities, and enhancing relationships with Congress and the Administration. In the past, the firm also provided legal support to the Government of Ethiopia at the International Court of Justice at the Hague on the Ethiopia-Eritrean border dispute. Our government affairs teams have worked with them in London and Brussels as well as Washington, DC.<br />This representation has ended, but we are continuing to assist Ethiopia on pro bono initiatives. In conjunction with the Northwestern University Law School, DLA Piper lawyers are teaching classes for the next generation of aspiring legal professionals at the law school in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa. This is in addition to a number of major pro bono projects we are working on across Africa, including a new project to document systematic sexual violence by the Mugabe government against politically active women in Zimbabwe.<br />Ethiopia is an emerging democracy and an important ally of the United States in a troubled region of the world. The country has made remarkable progress in the last two decades, moving from dictatorship to a system of free elections, and a commitment to prosperity and greater inclusiveness. There are some very vocal elements of the Ethiopian Diaspora, particularly in the Washington area, who are opponents of the current administration in Ethiopia and go to great lengths to try to embarrass or demean those who are associated with it. While we disagree with these individuals and do not believe their views reflect the majority of Ethiopian Americans, we fully support their right to voice their opinions on this matter. </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-75552694364686147562009-04-21T00:13:00.000-07:002009-04-21T00:47:05.964-07:00Ethiopia: Amnesty International Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review<p><strong>Sixth session of the UPR Working Group of the Human Rights Council</strong></p><p><strong>Charities and Societies Proclamation</strong><br />In January 2009, the Ethiopian Parliament passed into law the Charities and Societies Proclamation (known as the CSO Law),which imposes strict control measures and restrictions on civil society organisations. International organisations working in Ethiopia are now restricted from working on a range of human rights and democracy issues without special permission, and local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are barred from undertaking similar activities if they receive more than 10% of their income from foreign sources. The law allows for severe criminal penalties to be imposed, including fines and imprisonment for even minor breaches of its provisions. In addition, the law establishes a Charities and Societies Agency with broad discretionary power over NGOs, including government surveillance and direct interference in the management and operations of such organizations. The new law puts at serious risk the ability of local and international organisations to monitor, report, advocate on and campaign against human rights violations in Ethiopia.<br />Funding restrictions contained in the new law have several grave implications for NGOs, human rights defenders and victims of human rights violations. The level of funding which NGOs need in order to operate and function effectively is widely unavailable in Ethiopia, particularly given the current global economic climate. Most NGOs in Ethiopia are therefore heavily dependent on donations and support from outside Ethiopia. Restricting the donation limit to 10% of an NGO’s annual income makes the operation of most NGOs unviable. Such restriction directly violates the UN Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognised Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders), adopted by the General Assembly in 1999. Articles 13 and 14 guarantee to everyone the right to solicit, receive and utilise resources for the express purpose of promoting and protecting human rights through peaceful means. If enforced, the new law will force many NGOs to close their offices entirely.<br />In addition, an enforced prohibition on human rights work performed in Ethiopia by international organisations would have a detrimental effect on the human rights situation in the country. International organisations would be unable to undertake independent monitoring of human rights violations and would be unable to provide assistance to national NGOs.<br />The establishment of an oversight Charities and Societies Agency and the enforcement of its powers, would amount to unwarranted government interference in the running of independent, non-governmental organisations. It would seriously affect the ability of human rights defenders and NGOs to freely develop and discuss ideas and principles, and it would violate the confidentiality of testimony regarding human rights violations. Amnesty International is concerned that such an organ would offer no guarantee of independence or impartiality from the government, and could too easily be used to interfere with an organisation perceived to be critical of the government.<br />C. <strong>Promotion and protection of human rights on the ground<br /><span style="font-family:arial;"><em>Human rights violations in the context of armed conflict<br /></em></span></strong>Amnesty International is concerned about reports of mass arrests, torture, rape and extrajudicial executions by government forces of suspected supporters of the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) in the Somali region of Ethiopia (known as the Ogaden). While a government commissioned investigation was undertaken in late 2008, these reports have not been investigated by the United Nations or other independent international investigators.<br />In April 2007, the ONLF attacked an oil installation in Obole village, killing Ethiopian soldiers as well as 65 Ethiopian and six Chinese civilian workers. They also abducted seven Chinese workers, but released them a few days later. In retaliation, the Ethiopian government mounted a blockade on conflict-affected districts in the region, causing severe food shortages and exacerbating the humanitarian situation in those districts. Although a UN fact-finding mission lead to a partial alleviation of the humanitarian crisis in August 2007, the Ethiopian authorities continue to place restrictions on humanitarian aid in the Somali region. Also in August 2007, Sultan Fowsi Mohamed Ali, an independent mediator, was arrested in Jijiga, reportedly to prevent him from giving evidence to the UN fact-finding mission. He was accused of alleged involvement in two hand grenade attacks in 2007 and sentenced to 22 years’ imprisonment in May 2008. Amnesty International believes that Sultan Fowsi Mohamed Ali is a prisoner of conscience, imprisoned solely for the peaceful expression of his beliefs.<br />In July 2008, Ugaas Abdirahman Qani, chief of the Tolomoge group of the Ogaden clan and President of the Somali region from April to November 1994, was arrested along with twelve other individuals, including nine relatives. He was arrested shortly after returning to his home city of Godey after living abroad for two years. In the days following his arrest, a further 70 individuals were also arrested. No charges are believed to have been brought against them and no reason given for their detention. Ugaas Qani was released in October 2008 and his relatives a few days later. In 2005, Ugaas Qani was among a dozen elders seeking to arrange peace talks between the ONFL and the Ethiopian government.<br /><strong><em>Political prisoners</em></strong><br />During the period under review, Ethiopia detained thousands of people. Following the disputed elections in May 2005, there were mass arrests of opposition party activists and supporters, leaders of the opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy(CUD), journalists and civil society activists. Thousands were detained and many beaten, tortured or otherwise ill-treated, and detained without charge or trial for significant periods of time.<br />In December 2005, 131 prominent opposition leaders, journalists and civil society activists were charged with a range of capital offences, including treason, incitement to armed uprising and genocide against an ethnic group and members of the ruling party. The group included Berhanu Negga, the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa; Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge; Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, founder and former president of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council; journalists Serkalem Fasil and Eskinder Nega; and civil society activists Daniel Bekele and Netsanet Demissie. All were denied bail, but allowed access to lawyers and their families. The main trial began in May 2006, but was boycotted by the CUD and journalist defendants, leaving only Daniel Bekele, Netsanet Demissie and Kassahun Kebede, an official of the Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA). The ETA had been Ethiopia’s longest-established trade union. In February 2008, after years of court actions, the Supreme Court upheld a decision to dissolve the union and hand over its assets to a rival union formed by the government and also known as the Ethiopian Teachers Association.<br />A number of defendants in the main trial and related cases were acquitted in early 2007 and released. The CUD defendants and journalists who refused to present a defence were found guilty as charged and sentenced to life imprisonment or lengthy prison terms. They were, however, freed in July and August 2007 under a presidential pardon after a mediation process by an independent group of elders. They were required to sign an apology letter to the Prime Minister; however, the exact terms of their pardons remain unclear.<br />Daniel Bekele and Nesanet Demissie were found guilty in December 2007 and each sentenced to 30 months. When denied the usual opportunity of remission of one-third of their sentence for good behaviour, they signed a similar letter of apology as the CUD detainees. They were subsequently pardoned and released in March 2008, two and a half years after their initial arrest.<br />The nature of the pardon granted to all of the above-mentioned defendants was thrown into doubt by the re-arrest of Birtukan Mideksa in December 2008 on the grounds that she had broken the conditions of pardon by making a statement in Sweden describing the pardon process. Upon her return to Addis Ababa, Birtukan Mideksa was informed by law enforcement officials that she had several days to retract what government officials considered to be a public denial of her pardon request. When she refused to do so, she was arrested and placed in solitary confinement. Justice ministry officials confirmed that her pardon had been revoked and her original life sentence reinstated. Amnesty International is concerned at the lack of transparency surrounding the pardon process that led to the release of political detainees in 2007, and the government’s revocation of the pardon, which is an unprecedented step in Ethiopian jurisprudence.<br />Dozens of other individuals were arrested in Addis Ababa in late 2006 for possession of a book secretly written in prison by Berhanu Negga or a calendar containing images of the CUD prisoners and encouraging civil disobedience. Yalemzewd Bekele, a lawyer working for the European Commission in Addis Ababa, was arrested in October 2006. She was released on bail after eight days of incommunicado detention. Her case was dismissed, without prejudice, in early 2008.<br /><strong><em>Arbitrary arrests and illegal detentions - Oromo region<br /></em></strong>Throughout the period of review, the government has continued to suppress dissent in the Oromia region of Ethiopia, and has arbitrarily detained thousands of individuals suspected of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Many have been held in incommunicado detention, many have been detained without trial, and court proceedings have often been delayed. The detainees are held in poor conditions and many have been tortured or otherwise ill-treated.<br />In November and December 2005, thousands of students were detained, many ill-treated and some killed, following demonstrations throughout the Oromia region in support of the release of Oromo detainees and other political demands. They were released in late 2006, early 2007. Hundreds more Oromo people were detained in November 2005 during post-election demonstrations. In November 2007, Mulata Aberra, a trader in Harar city, was arrested for the third time on suspicion of supporting the OLF. During his detention he was tortured and denied medical treatment for his resulting injuries. He was released on bail in July 2008.<br />From late October 2008 onwards, mass arrests were carried out of suspected OLF supporters. Among the individuals arrested were Bekele Jirata, General Secretary of the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) party; Asefa Tefera Didaba, university lecturer at Addis Ababa University; brothers Dejene Borena and Kebede Borena; and Eshetu Kitili and Desta Kitili. The OFDM party strongly denied that Bekele Jirata or the party had any links to the OLF. A number of them have since been released without charge. Bekele Jirata was released on bail in February 2009 after a number of court appearances. Several more detainees have appeared in court and had their detention extended reportedly to allow police and security forces time to investigate the accusations against them. None of the detainees arrested during the round-up have so far faced trial.<br />Diribi Demissie, President of the Mecha Tulema Association, an officially registered Oromo community welfare organisation, was released in 2007 along with two other officials of the organisation. They had been detained since 2004 on charges of armed conspiracy and membership in the OLF.</p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-8602606907031606862009-04-20T02:12:00.000-07:002009-04-20T02:44:41.477-07:00Telahun Gesesse passed away<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmFuF4uFScEB-lIpQ3uUFGKtvR6TynpFmgt9SaPe2OGMW9f4J_fc6R8RtOdTsx0zeSITDbtK3fvJ0TusNwErFVT1E58coOBRvKleFm0hm9Zp75-c9OMbKAW-qIfnKe59x1013Fhw/s1600-h/Tilahun.jpg"><img style="MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 113px; FLOAT: right; HEIGHT: 117px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5326703408034485298" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgmFuF4uFScEB-lIpQ3uUFGKtvR6TynpFmgt9SaPe2OGMW9f4J_fc6R8RtOdTsx0zeSITDbtK3fvJ0TusNwErFVT1E58coOBRvKleFm0hm9Zp75-c9OMbKAW-qIfnKe59x1013Fhw/s320/Tilahun.jpg" /></a>The Popular singer Tilahun Gesesse passed away at midnight, Sunday, April 19, 2009 at the age of 72 after undergoing treatment in a Hospital in USA and returned back to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.<br />He had been suffering from kidney failure and had since been in a hospital receiving treatment with dialysis.<br />Tilahun Gessesse was born to Woizero Gete Gurmu and Ato Gessesse Wolde Kidan on Sunday, September 27, 1940, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.<br />The majority of Tilahun Gessesse's recordings were in Amharic, and he had recorded a number of songs in Oromiffa as well .<br />He received an Honorary Doctorate Degree from Addis Ababa University.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-22584379.post-22472457768732214622009-04-19T14:00:00.000-07:002009-04-19T15:22:21.808-07:00US remains idle in dictatorship in Ethiopia<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAVHZHUcQ0fLskjVR7pZN4B7LTIGV3jqacrsTofpyMBgnpFC7xQFtbi9YsTAqp9skrnhB6p0WJV94pa-oujK6V35HvVeXNxd0Ax1YM6dZYZLldOQCEgJDZ4UzYoZwogJXdMsQr-A/s1600-h/Meles_Zenawi_at_the_G20_meeting_in_London_April_2009.jpg"><img style="MARGIN: 0px 0px 10px 10px; WIDTH: 320px; FLOAT: right; HEIGHT: 158px; CURSOR: hand" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5326530779006071010" border="0" alt="" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjAVHZHUcQ0fLskjVR7pZN4B7LTIGV3jqacrsTofpyMBgnpFC7xQFtbi9YsTAqp9skrnhB6p0WJV94pa-oujK6V35HvVeXNxd0Ax1YM6dZYZLldOQCEgJDZ4UzYoZwogJXdMsQr-A/s320/Meles_Zenawi_at_the_G20_meeting_in_London_April_2009.jpg" /></a>Americans have ignored Ethiopia and they played a role on the country to be led by the rampant dictators for almost 50 years. The damage is higher than they will ever expect of it. I am sure there is, at least, some kind of plan they have already set up to improve the relationship between the frustrated freedom-seeking Ethiopians and the United States of America.<br />The United States of America must refuse to accept the killings, tortures and detentions of human <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_0" class="blsp-spelling-corrected">beings</span> who are involved in political movements in Ethiopia. <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_1" class="blsp-spelling-error">Meles</span> <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_2" class="blsp-spelling-error">Zenawi</span> have been indulging Bush Senior, Bill Clinton, Bush Junior and now Barack Obama to stay in power while the US changes its own politics whenever there is a change in power, from Republicans to Democrats and from Democrats to Republicans. The kind of change we are seeing in American politics makes us wonder why it is not <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_3" class="blsp-spelling-corrected">established</span> in American <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_4" class="blsp-spelling-corrected">politicians</span> mind that it is possible to try it in countries like Ethiopia.<br />The Situation in Africa could have been fixed if there would be the willingness to start from the least and basic <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_5" class="blsp-spelling-corrected">democratical</span> principles. But the Political and Regional Interest took the higher ground over despite all the conflicts that are created under those Regimes and Dictators are on high stake to control.<br />Ignoring the situation as if nothing is happening and Watching Obama with blood-thirsty dictators like <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_6" class="blsp-spelling-error">Meles</span> <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_7" class="blsp-spelling-error">Zenawi</span> on G-20 meeting really frustrates many Ethiopians inside and outside Ethiopia. What was that Obama demanding dictators like <span id="SPELLING_ERROR_8" class="blsp-spelling-error">Meles</span>? We don't know even if he spoke against those dictators in his inauguration speech.Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0